History of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the 6th President of Indonesian

General of the TNI (Ret.) Prof. Dr. H. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono GCB AC (born in Tremas, Arjosari, Pacitan, East Java, Indonesia, September 9, 1949, age 67 years) is the sixth Indonesian President who served from 20 October 2004 to 20 October 2014. He is the first President In Indonesia selected through the election line. He, along with Vice President Muhammad Jusuf Kalla, was elected in the 2004 Presidential Election. He succeeded his second term by winning the 2009 Presidential Election, this time with Vice President Boediono. Since the reform era began, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was the first Indonesian President to complete the presidency for 5 years and successfully re-elected for the second period.
Yudhoyono who was called "Sus" by his parents and popularly called "SBY", missed some of his childhood and youth in Pacitan. He is a retired military man. While in the military he is better known as Bambang Yudhoyono. His military career stalled when he was appointed President Abdurrahman Wahid as Minister of Mines and Energy in 1999, and emerged as one of the founders of the Democratic Party. The last rank of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was General of the TNI before his retirement on 25 September 2000. At the 2004 Presidential Election, his voice advantage from President Megawati Soekarnoputri made him the first elected president through direct elections by the Indonesian people. This is possible after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution.

Background and family

He was born in Pacitan, East Java on September 9, 1949 from the couple Raden Soekotjo and Siti Habibah. From his father's lineage can be traced to Pakubuwana and has a relationship with the Hamengkubuwana II.
Like his father, he was in the army. In addition to living in the family residence in Bogor (West Java), SBY also live in Merdeka Palace, Jakarta. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is married to Kristiani Herawati who is the third daughter of General (Ret.) Sarwo Edhi Wibowo (late). Military commander General Sarwo Edhi Wibowo helped to quell the PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia) in 1965. From the marriage they were blessed with two sons, namely Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (born 1978) and Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono (born 1980).
Agus was a graduate of Taruna Nusantara High School in 1997, and the Indonesian Military Academy in 2000. Like his father, he was also awarded Adhi Mekayasa and a soldier with the rank of First Lieutenant of the Army who served in an infantry battalion in Bandung, West Java. Agus married Anissa Larasati Pohan, an actress who is also the son of former Deputy Governor of Bank Indonesia, Aulia Pohan. Since mid 2005, Agus has been studying for a master's degree in Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Singapore. Youngest child, Edhie Baskoro graduated with a double degree in Financial Commerce and Electrical Commerce in 2005 from Curtin University of Technology in Perth, Western Australia.

Military career

In 1973, he graduated from the Armed Forces Academy of the Republic of Indonesia with the award of Adhi Makayasa as the best graduate student and Tri Sakti Wiratama which is the highest achievement of combined mental, physical, and intellectual intelligence. From 1974-1976, he began his career at Dan Tonpan Yonif Linud 330 Kostrad. In 1976, he studied at Airborne School and US Army Rangers, American Language Course (Lackland-Texas), Airbone and Ranger Course (Fort Benning) United States.
His career continued in the period 1976-1977 in Dan Tonpan Battalion 305 Army Strategic Reserve Command, and Mr. Mo 81 Airborne Infantry Battalion 330 Army Strategic Reserve Command (1977), Pasi-2 / Ops Airborne Mabrigif 17 Kujang I Kostrad (1977-1978, Dan Kipan Airborne Infantry Battalion 330 Army Strategic Reserve Command (1979 -1981, Young Pupan Sops SUAD (1981-1982) Period 1982-1984, he studied at the Infantry Officer Advanced Course (Fort Benning) United States.
In 1983, he studied at the On the job training in 82-nd Airborne Division (Fort Bragg) United States, Jungle Warfare School (Panama, Course antitank weapon in Belgium and Germany in 1984, Classes Commando Battalion (1985) and a career in Commander of Infantry Trainer School (1983-1985), Dan Yonif 744 Dam IX / Udayana (1986-1988), and Paban Madyalat Sops Dam IX / Udayana (1988).
The period 1988-1989, he studied at the Command and Staff College Army and continue to the US Command and General Staff College (Fort Leavenwort) Kansas United States in 1991. Period (1989-1993), he worked as a lecturer courses there Korspri Commander, Dan Airborne brigade Cleaver 17 1 Strategic Reserve Command (1993-1994, Asops the Jakarta Military Command (1994-1995) and commander 072 / Pamungkas Military Command IV / Diponegoro (1995) and Chief Military Observer United Nations Peace Forces (UNPF) in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1995-1996 ). Graduates of the Master of Art (MA) from Management Webster University of Missouri is also a career in Kasdam Jaya (1996), and the military commander of II / Sriwijaya and Chairman Bakorstanasda. in 1997, he was appointed Chief Territories (Kaster) Army with the rank Lieutenant General He retired from the military on 1 April 2001 because of his appointment as minister.

Political career

Appeared as a spokesman for the Armed Forces Fraction before 1998 General Session of MPR which was held on March 9, 1998 and Chairman of ABRI MPR Fraction in 1998 Special Session of MPR. On 29 October 1999, he was appointed Minister of Mines and Energy in the government of President Abdurrahman Wahid. On 26 October 1999, he was inaugurated as Coordinating Minister for Political, Social and Security Affairs (Menko Polsoskam) as a consequence of the reorganization of Abdurrahman Wahid's cabinet.
With the resignation of the President on 28 May 2001 at 12.00 WIB, the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security was assigned to take special measures to overcome the crisis, to establish order, security and law as soon as possible due to the emergency political situation faced by government leaders. At that time, the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security as the mandate to translate the emergency political situation was not the same as the emergency as in Law No. 23 of 1959.
Not even one year in office of the Coordinating Minister for the Polsoskam or five days after holding the mandate, he was urged to resign on June 1, 2001 by the mandator due to political tension between President Abdurrahman Wahid and DPR. A replacement position as Minister of Home Affairs or Minister of Transportation offered by the president has never been accepted.
Mutual Cooperation Cabinet led by President Megawati Soekarnoputri anoint as Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security (security minister) on 10 August 2001. Feeling no longer trusted by the president, the post of head of the ministry abandoned on March 11, 2004. The establishment of the Democratic Party on 9 September 2002 strengthens its name to Reached the pinnacle of a political career. When the Democrat Party was declared on 17 October 2002, his name was nominated to be president in the 2004 Presidential and Vice Presidential Election of the Republic of Indonesia.
After resigning from the post of Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs and in line with the 2004 Indonesian House of Representatives, DPD and DPRD General Election campaign, he was officially within the Democratic Party's corridor. His presence in the Democratic Party was successful in the legislative elections by winning 7.45% of the vote. On May 10, 2004, three political parties namely the Democratic Party, the Justice and Unity Party of Indonesia, and the Crescent Star Party officially nominated him as president in pairs with vice presidential candidate Jusuf Kalla.
At the Extraordinary Congress of the Democratic Party held in Bali on 30 March 2013, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was appointed chairman of the Democratic Party, replacing Anas Urbaningrum.
Furthermore, at the Democratic Party IV Congress held at Shangri-La Hotel, Surabaya on May 12, 2015, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was re-elected as General Chairman for the period 2015-2020

Assignment

General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who had been assigned to Operation Seroja in East Timor during 1979-1980 and 1986-1988, obtained his doctorate (Ph.D.) degree in Agricultural Economics from the Bogor Agricultural Institute (IPB) at 3 October 2004. On December 15, 2005, he received an honorary doctorate in political science from Thammasat University in Bangkok, Thailand. In his award-giving speech, he asserted that politics is the art of change and transformation in a peaceful democracy. He is not entirely convinced that politics is a science.

Presidency

The MPR in the period of 1999-2004 amended the 1945 Constitution of the 1945 Constitution to allow the president and vice president to be elected directly by the people. The two-stage presidential election was then won by 60.9% of the votes cast and elected president. He was later recorded as the first elected president of popular choice, and emerged as the sixth Indonesian President after being inducted on October 20, 2004 along with Vice President Jusuf Kalla. He excelled from Megawati Soekarnoputri-Hasyim Muzadi in the 2004 elections.
Cabinet
During his first inauguration as president, Yudhoyono announced his new cabinet, which would be known as the United Indonesia Cabinet of 36 ministers, including Democratic, Golkar and PPP, UN, PKB, PAN, PKP and PKS members. Professionals are also mentioned in the cabinet, most of them taking care in the economic field. The military is also included, with 5 former members appointed to the cabinet. As Yudhoyono promised during the election, four of the cabinet appointed are women.
Yudhoyono United Indonesia Cabinet II was announced in October 2009 after he was re-elected as president early in the year. The vice president in Yudhoyono's second cabinet is Dr Boediono. Boediono replaces Jusuf Kalla who is Yudhoyono's vice president in the first cabinet.
The presidential election was held in Indonesia on July 8, 2009. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won over 60% (60.08%) of the votes in the first round, allowing him to secure re-election without run-off. Yudhoyono was officially declared the winner of the election on July 23, 2009, by the Election Commission. The other candidates are Megawati Soekarnoputri PDI-P Party 26,79%, Jusuf Kalla Golkar Party 12,41%.

Education

In July 2005, Yudhoyono launched the School Operational Assistance Program (BOS). [64] In this program, the government provides funds to the principal to assist financially in running the school. BOS can provide significant financial assistance to schools so the school is expected to lower the cost or, if they can afford, to remove the cost altogether. In June 2006, Yudhoyono launched a BOS Book that provided funds for book purchases.

Health

In January 2005, Yudhoyono launched the Poor Health Insurance (Askeskin). Askeskin is a program aimed at the poor who allow them access to health services.

Comparative Power with Vice President Jusuf Kalla

Although he has won the Presidency, Yudhoyono is still weak in the Indonesian parliament, the House of Representatives (DPR). The Democratic Party, even in combination with all its coalition partners, has far fewer representatives than Golkar and PDI-P, which play an opposition role.
With a national congress to be held in December 2004, Yudhoyono and Kalla were initially supported by Agung Laksono as speaker of Golkar. When Agung was considered too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono and Kalla gave their support to Surya Paloh. Finally, when Paloh was considered too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono gave Kalla a green light to run for leadership Golkar. On December 19, 2004, Kalla was elected as the new chairman of Golkar.

Kalla's victory created a dilemma for Yudhoyono. Although it now allows Yudhoyono to pass the law, Kalla's new position means that he is now stronger than Yudhoyono in terms of influence in parliament.
After the 2004 Tsunami, Jusuf Kalla appeared to be on his own initiative, assembled by the Minister and signed the work The order to order the Vice President will begin in the rehabilitation of Aceh. The legality of his Vice Presidential Decree was questioned even though Yudhoyono stated that it was he who gave orders for Kalla to continue.
In September 2005, when Yudhoyono went to New York to attend the annual UN Summit, he left Vice President Kalla in charge. Yudhoyono held a video conference from New York to receive a report from the minister. Critics claim that this is an expression of distrust by Yudhoyono It seems that the public sees momentum when Kalla only appears for a videoconference and then spends the rest of the time taking care of Golkar's problems.
The allegations of competition resurfaced in October 2006 when Yudhoyono formed the Presidential Work Unit for the Organization of the Reform Program (UKP3R). He is tasked with improving conditions for business investment, implementing diplomacy and government administration, improving the performance of SOEs, expanding the role of small and medium-sized businesses, and improving overall law enforcement. UKP3R was led by Marsillam Simanjuntak, who served as Attorney General during the Presidency of Abdurrahman Wahid.
In February 2007, Yudhoyono added welfare to the UKP3R task by ordering them to also focus on poverty eradication, cash transfers, public services and assistance in health and education programs. There are allegations that this is Yudhoyono's attempt to exclude Kalla from the government. Yudhoyono quickly explained that in supervising UKP3R, he would be assisted by Kalla.

Others

The eradication of collusion, corruption, and nepotism (KKN) is an important priority in its leadership in addition to the case of global terrorism. Drug hazards, gambling, and trafficking are also heavy burdens that require hard work with leaders and people.
During his tenure, Indonesia experienced a number of natural disasters such as tsunamis, earthquakes, volcanoes, floods, etc. All this is an additional challenge for a president who is still struggling with the effort to restore the country's economic life for the welfare of the people.
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono also established the Working Unit of the President of Program and Reform Management (UKP4R), a presidential institution headed by Marsilam Simandjuntak at the time of its formation on October 26, 2006. This institution was initially challenged by the Golkar Party in the absence of Vice President Jusuf Kalla in its establishment as well as the issue of the establishment of UKP4R to cut off the authority of the Vice President, but finally accepted after SBY himself explained it in a press release.

President SMS Service

Around June 2005, President SBY started a short message service (SMS) to the mobile phone number 0811109949, but the next day there was a technical failure due to the large number of incoming SMS. Then replaced with SMS to 9949, after which SMS will be selected and submitted to the president. Number 9949 is the code of birth date, (September 9, 1949).
On June 28, 2005, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono sent an SMS to the public by the name of the President of the Republic of Indonesia which contained about the prevention of drugs. This SMS truth has been confirmed and the President's spokesman stated that various SMS will follow.
Twitter President
On 13 April 2013, President SBY sent his first chirp on his personal Twitter account @SBYudhoyono. This Twitter account is managed by SBY with his staff. The chirp of the President is directly * SBY * at the end of each chirp. First chirp of the president SBY is:
 "Hello, Indonesia, I am joining the world of Twitter to share greetings, views, and inspirations." Greetings * SBY * "

Through this Twitter, the President hopes to increasingly listen to the complaints of society. Himself also states ready to be insult on Twitter by other Twitter users.

History of Megawati Soekarnoputri, the 5th President of Indonesian

Hj. Dyah Permata Megawati Setyawati Soekarnoputri or commonly known as Megawati Soekarnoputri or commonly called by "Mbak Mega" (born in Yogyakarta, January 23, 1947, age 70 years) is the fifth Indonesian President who served from 23 July 2001 to 20 October 2004. He was the first Indonesian female president and daughter of the first Indonesian president, Soekarno, who later followed in the footsteps of his father becoming President of Indonesia. On September 20, 2004, he lost the vote of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the second presidential election in 2004.
He became president after the MPR convened the Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in 2001. This Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly was held in response to President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) who suspended the MPR / DPR and Golkar Party. He was inaugurated on July 23, 2001. Previously from 1999-2001, he served as Vice President in the government of President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur).
Megawati is also chairman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) since she broke away from the Indonesian Democratic Party in 1999.

Early Life

Megawati Soekarnoputri is the second son of President Soekarno who proclaimed Indonesia's independence on August 17, 1945. Megawati's mother, Fatmawati, was a Bengkulu-born girl where Sukarno had once been exiled during the Dutch colonial period. He was born during the Dutch Military Aggression. When Sukarno was exiled to the island of Bangka, Fatmawati gave birth to a baby named Megawati Soekarno Putri, on January 23, 1947 in the village of Ledok Ratmakan. After Indonesian independence, Megawati was raised in Merdeka Palace.
He has studied at Padjadjaran University in Bandung (not graduated) in agriculture, but has also studied at the Faculty of Psychology, University of Indonesia (also not graduated).

Household trip

Political career Megawati Soekarnoputri full of twists and turns as if in line with the story line of life marriage marriage journey that had failed.
Her first husband was First Lieutenant (Aviator) Surindro Supjarso, an Air Force pilot and first officer in the Indonesian Air Force National Army (TNI-AU) of the Republic of Indonesia. Surindro is a tall, tall, handsome figure with a tattered hair style, among his peers he is often called "Pacul". Surindro is a close friend of Guntur Soekarnoputra, Megawati's sister. It is said that Gunturlah Mega match with Surindro. They married on Saturday, June 1, 1968 at Jalan Sriwijaya Number 7, Kebayoran Baru, Jakarta. After that, Megawati then followed her husband, Surindro, living in Madiun, East Java. There he became a housewife and took care of his first child, Mohammad Rizki Pratama. When Mega was pregnant with her second child (Mohammad Prananda), Surindro suffered a plane crash that claimed his life. His controlled Skyvan T-701 plane crashed in the sea around the waters of Biak island, Irian Jaya, on January 22, 1970. Surindro and his seven crew members disappeared unknown and only the remains of debris of spacecraft found scattered about the sea around Such waters. Mega is overwhelmed with grief, she mourned for a long time.
A few years later, in 1972, at that time Megawati's age was only in her early twenties with two children who were still toddler, she then re-knit love affair with a man who is said to be a businessman from Egypt, who is also an Egyptian diplomat Who was then on duty in Jakarta, named Hassan Gamal Ahmad Hasan. However, this second Mega marriage did not last long, only lasted three months, because Megawati's marriage to Hassan (Mega's second husband) was highlighted by Mass Media on the grounds that at that time Megawati was still bound by a legal marriage with Surindro, her first husband and at the time There is no definite decision from the government, in this case is the Headquarters (Headquarters) of the TNI-AU, concerning the fate of his first husband whose corpse has not been found. The Bung Karno family did not remain silent, they then hired a lawyer, Sumadji, to cancel the controversial second Mega marriage through a decision by the High Religious Court - Jakarta, Hassan finally succumbed and surrendered. From marriage to her second husband who ran aground, Megawati was not blessed with a child.
The happiness and peace of life of Megawati Soekarnoputri's new home were really intertwined and felt after she married Moh. Taufiq Kiemas, a fellow activist at the Indonesian National Student Movement (GMNI), was also a member of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) movement. Mega's third husband, Taufiq Kiemas, besides being active in GMNI, he also joined the "Inti Pembina Jiwa Revolusi", an organization that upholds the teachings of "Soekarno". Taufiq Kiemas, whom Guntur nicknamed "the Caucasian", married Mega at the end of March 1973. Their marriage was a simple one at "Panti Perwira", Central Jakarta. From this couple, Puan Maharani was born, who was the third child of Megawati Soekarnoputri and was the first child of Taufiq Kiemas the only one.

Political career

The father's political footsteps have a strong influence on Megawati Soekarnoputri. Because since the student, while studying at the Faculty of Agriculture, University of Pajajaran, he was always active in the Indonesian National Student Movement (GMNI).

1986

In 1986 he began to enter the world of politics, as deputy chairman of the PDI Branch of Central Jakarta. His political career spelled out. Mega only took one year to become member of DPR RI.

1993

In the PDI Extraordinary Congress held in Surabaya in 1993, Megawati was elected unanimously as Chairman of the PDI.

1996

However, the government is not satisfied with the election of Megawati as Chairman of the PDI. Megawati was also ousted in the PDI Congress in Medan in 1996, who chose Soerjadi as Chairman of the PDI.

Mega does not accept her self-immolation and does not recognize the Medan Congress. He still feels as the legitimate Chairman of the PDI. The office and its equipment are controlled by Mega party. Mega party does not want to lose one step. They are still trying to maintain the PDI office. However, the government-backed Soerjadi threatened to seize the DPP PDI office located on Jl. Diponegoro.
Soerjadi's threat became a reality. On July 27, 1996 Soerjadi's group completely seized the PDI offices of the Megawati supporters. The assault that left dozens of Megawati supporters dead, led to a mass riot in Jakarta known as the 27 July Incident. The riots also left some activists in jail.
The incident of DPP PDI office attack did not dampen Mega's move. In fact, he is increasingly steadily raising resistance. He chose the legal path, although later foundered in court. Mega still does not stop. Inevitably, PDI was separated into PDI under Soerjadi and PDI leader Mega. The government recognizes Soerjadi as the legitimate Chairperson of PDI. However, the mass of the PDI was more in favor of Megawati.

1997

The support of the mass of the PDI to Mega was increasingly seen in the 1997 elections. The PDI votes under Soerjadi fell sharply. Some of Mega's masses sided with the United Development Party, which later gave birth to the term "Mega Bintang". Mega himself chose golput back then.

1999

The 1999 election, PDI Mega which changed its name to PDI Perjuangan managed to win the election. Although not a landslide victory, but he managed to reach more than thirty percent of the vote. The mass of his supporters, forcing Mega to become president. They threatened that if Mega did not become president there would be a revolution.
However the flow that developed in the 1999 General Assembly said otherwise, and chose KH Abdurrahman Wahid as President. He narrowly lost in the voting of the presidential election was 373 to 313 votes.

2001

However, time also sided with Megawati Sukarnoputri. He did not have to wait five years to replace President Abdurrahman Wahid, after the 1999 General Assembly failed him to become President. The Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), on Monday (23/7/2001), has upgraded its status to President after President Abdurrahman Wahid was revoked by his mandate.

2004

Megawati's administration was marked by the strengthening of consolidation of democracy in Indonesia, during his reign, the presidential election was directly implemented and generally considered one of the successes of the democratization process in Indonesia. He suffered a defeat (40% - 60%) in the 2004 presidential election and had to hand over presidential militia to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the former Coordinating Minister during his reign.

2014

Megawati and PDI-P appoint Joko Widodo to advance in the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Election. Finally, through a long election process, Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla were elected President and Vice President from 2014 to 2019.
At the National Working Meeting of PDI-P, Semarang, Central Java, September 20, 2014, Megawati was re-appointed to become PDI-P Chairman of the period 2015-2020.

History of Abdurrahman Wahid (Gusdur), the 4th President of Indonesian

KH Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur (born in Jombang, East Java, 7 September 1940 - died in Jakarta, 30 December 2009 at the age of 69 years) is an Indonesian Muslim and political leader who became the fourth President of Indonesia from 1999 to 2001. He succeeds President BJ Habibie after being elected by the People's Consultative Assembly resulting from the 1999 General Election. The administration of his government was assisted by the Cabinet of National Unity. Abdurrahman Wahid's presidency began on October 20, 1999 and ended in the MPR Special Session in 2001. Exactly July 23, 2001, his leadership was replaced by Megawati Soekarnoputri after his mandate was revoked by the MPR. Abdurrahman Wahid is the former chairman of Tanfidziyah (executive body) of Nahdlatul Ulama and founder of the National Awakening Party (PKB).

Early Life

Abdurrahman Wahid was born on the 4th day and the 8th month of the 1940 Islamic calendar in Denanyar Jombang, East Java from the couple Wahid Hashim and Solichah. There is a belief that he was born on August 4, but the calendar used to mark his birthday is the Islamic calendar which means he was born on 4 Sya'ban 1359 Hijri, the same as 7 September 1940.
He was born by the name of Abdurrahman Addakhil. "Addakhil" means "The Conqueror". The word "Addakhil" was not well known and renamed "Wahid", and was later known as Gus Dur's call. "Gus" is a typical pesantren honorific call to a kiai child meaning "brother" or "mas".
Gus Dur was the first of six children. Wahid was born into a very respectable family in the Muslim community of East Java. The grandfather of his father is K.H. Hashim Asyari, founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), while his maternal grandfather, K.H. Bisri Syansuri, was the first pesantren teacher to teach classes to women. Gus Dur's father, K.H. Wahid Hasyim, was involved in the Nationalist Movement and became Minister of Religion in 1949. His mother, Mrs. Hj. Sholehah, is the founding daughter of Pondok Pesantren Denanyar Jombang. His brothers are Salahuddin Wahid and Lily Wahid. He is married to Sinta Nuriyah and has four daughters: Alisa, Yenny, Anita, and Inayah.
Abdurrahman had publicly declared that he had Chinese blood. Abdurrahman Wahid confessed that he is a descendant of Tan Kim Han who is married to Tan A Lok, Raden Patah's brother (Tan Eng Hwa), the founder of Demak Sultanate.
Tan A Lok and Tan Eng Hwa is the son of Princess Campa, the daughter of China who is the concubine of Raden Brawijaya V. Tan Kim Han himself later based on the research of a French researcher, Louis-Charles Damais identified as Sheikh Abdul Qodir Al-Shini who found his grave in Trowulan.
In 1944, Wahid moved from Jombang to Jakarta, where his father was elected the first Chairman of the Syuro Muslimin Indonesia Assembly Party (Masyumi), an organization that stood with the support of Japanese soldiers who were then occupying Indonesia. After the declaration of Indonesian independence on August 17, 1945, Gus Dur returned to Jombang and remained there during the Indonesian independence war against the Dutch. At the end of the war in 1949, Wahid moved to Jakarta and his father was appointed Minister of Religion. Abdurrahman Wahid studied in Jakarta, went to SD KRIS before moving to Matraman Perwari Elementary School. Wahid was also taught reading non-Muslim books, magazines, and newspapers by his father to expand his knowledge. Abdurrahman continued to live in Jakarta with his family even though his father had not become a minister of religion in 1952. In April 1953, Wahid's father died from a car accident.
Wahid's education continued and in 1954, he entered Junior High School. That year, he did not go to class. His mother then sent Gus Dur to Yogyakarta to continue his education by reciting KH. Ali Maksum at Pondok Pesantren Krapyak and studying in junior high school. In 1957, after graduating from junior high school, Wahid moved to Magelang to start Muslim Education at Tegalrejo Pesantren. He developed a reputation as a gifted pupil, completing pesantren education within two years (should be four years). In 1959, Wahid moved to Pesantren Tambakberas in Jombang. There, while continuing his own education, Abdurrahman Wahid also accepted his first job as a teacher and later as a madrasah principal. Gus Dur was also employed as a journalist for magazines such as Horizon and Culture Jaya Magazine

Education abroad

In 1963, Wahid received a scholarship from the Ministry of Religious Affairs to study Islamic Studies at Al Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt. He went to Egypt in November 1963. Although he was proficient in Arabic, Gus Dur was told by the university that he should take remedial classes before studying Islam and Arabic. Unable to provide evidence that he possessed Arabic skills, Wahid was forced to take remedial classes.
Abdurrahman Wahid enjoyed living in Egypt in 1964; He likes to watch European and American movies, and also watch football games. Wahid was also involved with the Indonesian Student Association and became a journalist for the association magazine. At the end of the year, he successfully passed his Arabic remedial class. When he began his studies in Islam and Arabic in 1965, Gus Dur was disappointed; He has studied much of the material given and rejected the method of study used by the University.
In Egypt, Wahid was employed at the Indonesian Embassy. As he worked, the September 30th Movement (G30S) ensued. Major General Suharto handled the situation in Jakarta and the communist eradication effort took place. As part of the effort, the Indonesian Embassy in Egypt is ordered to investigate university students and report their political position. This command was given to Wahid, who was assigned to write the report.
Wahid has failed in Egypt. He disagreed with his method of education and his work after the G30S annoyed him. In 1966, he was told that he had to repeat the study. Gus Dur's undergraduate education was saved through a scholarship at Baghdad University. Wahid moved to Iraq and enjoyed his new environment. Although he was negligent at first, Wahid quickly learned. Wahid also continued his involvement in the Association of Indonesian Students and also wrote the association magazine.
After finishing his education at the University of Baghdad in 1970, Abdurrahman Wahid went to the Netherlands to continue his education. Wahid wanted to study at the University of Leiden, but was disappointed that his education at the University of Baghdad was less recognized. From the Netherlands, Wahid went to Germany and France before returning to Indonesia in 1971.

Early career

Gus Dur returned to Jakarta expecting that he would go abroad again to study at Canada's McGill University. He made himself busy by joining the Institute for Research, Education and Information of the Economic and Social Affairs (LP3ES) organization of progressive Muslim intellectuals and social democrats. LP3ES established Prisma and Gusdur magazines to be one of the main contributors to the magazine. In addition to working as a LP3ES contributor, Gusdur also toured pesantren and madrasah throughout Java. At that time, pesantrens tried hard to get funding from the government by adopting the government curriculum. Gusdur is concerned about the condition because the traditional values ??of pesantren are increasingly faded due to this change. Gusdur is also concerned with the poverty of the pesantren he sees. At the same time when they persuaded the pesantren to adopt the government's curriculum, the government also persuaded the pesantren as a change agent and assisted the government in the economic development of Indonesia. Gusdur chose to abandon study abroad and prefer to develop a pesantren.
Abdurrahman Wahid continued his career as a journalist, writing for magazines and newspapers The article was well received and he began to develop a reputation as a social commentator. With that popularity, he received many invitations to give lectures and seminars, making him have to commute between Jakarta and Jombang, where Gusdur lives with his family.
Despite having a successful career at the time, Gusdur still found it difficult to live on only one source of income and he worked to earn extra income by selling beans and delivering ice. In 1974 Gusdur got additional work in Jombang as a teacher at Tambakberas Pesantren and soon developed a good reputation. One year later Wahid added his work by becoming Guru Kitab Al Hikam.
In 1977, Gusdur joined Hashim Asyari University as the dean of the Faculty of Practice and Islamic Faith and the University wanted Gusdur to teach additional subjects such as Islamic Sharia and missiology. But the excess caused some displeasure among some universities.

Nahdlatul Ulama

Initial engagement

The Wahid family background soon means. He will be asked to play an active role in running the NU. This demand contrasted with Abdurrahman's aspirations in becoming a public intellectual and he twice rejected the offer of joining the NU Religious Advisory Council. However, Wahid eventually joined the Board after his grandfather, Bisri Syansuri, gave him a third offer. Taking this job, Wahid also chose to move from Jombang to Jakarta and settle there. As a member of the Religious Advisory Council, Wahid led himself as a NU reformer.
At that time, Abdurrahman Wahid also got his first political experience. In the 1982 legislative elections, Wahid campaigned for the United Development Party (PPP), an Islamic Party formed as a result of a joint 4 Islamic parties including NU. Wahid mentioned that the Government interfered with PPP's campaign by arresting people like himself. However, Wahid always managed to escape because he had relationships with important people such as General Benny Moerdani.

Reforming NU

At that time, many people saw NU as an organization in a state of stagnation / stalled. After discussion, the Religious Advisory Council finally formed a Team of Seven (which included Wahid) to work on reform issues and help revive NU. Reforms within the organization include leadership changes. On May 2, 1982, high-ranking NU officials met with NU Chief Idham Chalid and asked that he resign. Idham, who had guided NU in the transition from Soekarno to Suharto, initially resisted, but eventually retreated under pressure. On May 6, 1982, Wahid heard of Idham's choice to step down and meet him, then he said that the request for retreat was unconstitutional. With Wahid's appeal, Idham canceled his setback and Wahid along with Team Seven could negotiate an agreement between Idham and the man who requested his setback.
In 1983, Suharto was re-elected as president for a fourth term by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) and began to take steps to make Pancasila a State Ideology. From June 1983 to October 1983, Wahid became part of the group assigned to prepare NU's response to the issue. Wahid consulted readings such as the Quran and Sunnah for justification and finally, in October 1983, he concluded that NU should accept Pancasila as the State Ideology. To further revive NU, Wahid also resigned from PPP and political parties. This is done so that NU can focus on social issues rather than being hampered by engaging in politics.

Elected as chairman and first term

Wahid's reforms made him very popular among the NU. At the 1984 National Assembly, many people began to express their desire to nominate Wahid as the new chairman of NU. Wahid accepted this nomination on condition that he obtain full authority to elect the managers who will work under him. Wahid was elected Chairman of the Nahdlatul Ulama Board of Directors at the National Congress. However, the requirement to be able to choose for themselves the managers under it are not fulfilled. On the last day of the National Conference, the list of members of Wahid is being discussed by NU officials including the previous Chairman of the NU, Idham Chalid. Wahid had previously given a list to the National Conference Committee which was due to be announced that day. However, the National Committee, as opposed to Idham, announced an entirely different list to the Munas participants.
The election of Gus Dur was seen positively by Suharto and the New Order regime. Wahid's acceptance of Pancasila along with his moderate image made him favored by government officials. In 1985, Suharto made Gus Dur the indoctrinator of Pancasila. In 1987, Abdurrahman Wahid showed further support for the regime by criticizing PPP in the 1987 legislative elections and strengthening Suharto's Golkar Party. He later became a member of the MPR representing Golkar. Although he was favored by the regime, Wahid criticized the government for the World Bank-funded Kedung Ombo Dam project. This shattered Wahid's relationship with the government, but at the time Suharto still received political support from NU.
During his first term, Gus Dur focused on reforming the pesantren education system and succeeded in improving the quality of the pesantren education system so as to counter secular schools. In 1987, Gus Dur also set up a study group in Probolinggo, East Java to provide individual forums as solitary in NU to discuss and provide interpretations of Muslim texts. Abdurrahman had also faced criticism that he expected to change the Muslim greetings "assalamualaikum" into secular greetings "good morning"

The second term and against the New Order

Wahid was re-elected for the second term of the NU Chairmanship at the 1989 National Congress. At that time, Suharto, who was involved in a political battle with ABRI, began attracting Muslim sympathy for their support. In December 1990, the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) was formed to appeal to Muslim Intellectuals. This organization is supported by Suharto, chaired by Baharuddin Jusuf Habibie and in it there are Muslim intellectuals such as Amien Rais and Nurcholish Madjid as members. In 1991, some ICMI members asked Gus Dur to join. Gus Dur refused because he thought ICMI supported sectarianism and would keep Suharto strong. In 1991, Wahid opposed ICMI by forming the Democracy Forum, an organization of 45 intellectuals from various religious and social communities. The organization was reckoned by the government and the government to stop the meeting held by the Democracy Forum as it was ahead of the 1992 legislative elections.
In March 1992, Gus Dur planned to hold a Great Deliberation to celebrate the 66th anniversary of NU and to repeat the statement of NU support to Pancasila. Wahid planned the event to be attended by at least one million NU members. However, Soeharto blocked the event, instructing the police to return buses containing NU members when they arrived in Jakarta. However, the event was attended by 200,000 people. After the event, Abdurrahman sent a letter of protest to Soeharto stating that NU was not given the opportunity to present an open, fair and tolerant Islam. During his second term as chairman of NU, Abdurrahman's liberal ideas began to turn many of his supporters into disagreement. As chairman, Wahid continued to encourage interfaith dialogue and even accepted an invitation to visit Israel in October 1994.

A third term and heading for reform

Ahead of the 1994 National Assembly, Abdurrahman nominated himself for a third term. Hearing this, Soeharto wants Wahid not to be elected. In the weeks before munas, Suharto's supporters, such as Habibie and Harmoko, were campaigning against Gus Dur's re-election. When national deliberations were held, the elections were closely guarded by ABRI in the act of intimidation. There were also attempts to bribe NU members not to vote. However, Gus Dur remained elected chairman of NU for a third term. During this time, Abdurrahman started a political alliance with Megawati Soekarnoputri from the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). Megawati who uses her father's name has great popularity and plans to keep suppressing the Soeharto regime. Wahid advised Megawati to be careful and refused to be elected President for the 1998 MPR General Session. Megawati ignored her and paid a fortune when in July 1996 her PDI headquarters was taken over by supporters of the government-backed PDI Chairman Soerjadi.
Seeing what happened to Megawati, Abdurrahman thought that his best option now was to step back politically by supporting the government. In November 1996, Wahid and Suharto met for the first time since the re-election of Gus Dur as NU chairman and subsequent months followed by meetings with various government figures who in 1994 attempted to block Gus Dur's re-election. At the same time, Abdurrahman allowed his choice to reform still open and in December 1996 met with Amien Rais, a member of ICMI critical of government policies.
July 1997 was the beginning of the Asian Financial Crisis. Suharto began to lose control of the situation. Gus Dur was encouraged to reform with Megawati and Amien, but he suffered a stroke in January 1998. From the hospital, Wahid saw the situation continue to deteriorate with Soeharto's re-election as President and student protests that led to the May 1998 riots after the shooting of six students at Trisakti University . On 19 May 1998, Abdurrahman, along with eight prominent leaders of the Muslim community, was summoned to Suharto's residence. Soeharto gave the concept of the Reform Committee he proposed. The nine leaders refused to join the Reform Committee. Gus Dur had a more moderate stance with Suharto and asked the demonstrators to stop to see if Suharto would keep his promise. It was not liked by Amien, who was Suharto's most critical opposition at the time. However, Suharto announced his resignation on 21 May 1998. Vice President Habibie became president replacing Suharto.

Reform

Formation of PKB and Ciganjur Statement

One of the effects of Soeharto's fall was the formation of a new political party. Under the Soeharto regime, there are only three political parties: Golkar, PPP and PDI. With the fall of Soeharto, political parties began to take shape, with the most important being the National Mandate Party (PAN) of Amien formation and Megawati's Megawati-Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). In June 1998, many people from the NU community asked Gus Dur to form a new political party. It does not directly implement the idea. But in July 1998 Abdurrahman began to respond to the idea because establishing a political party was the only way to fight Golkar in the general election. Wahid approved the formation of the PKB and became Chairman of the Advisory Board with Matori Abdul Djalil as party chairman. Although the party was dominated by members of NU, Gus Dur stated that the party was open to everyone.
In November 1998, at a meeting in Ciganjur, Gus Dur, along with Megawati, Amien, and Sultan Hamengkubuwono X again declared their commitment to reform. On February 7, 1999, the PKB officially declared Gus Dur a candidate for the presidential election.

The 1999 General Election and the General Session of the MPR

In June 1999, PKB parties participated in the legislative election arena. PKB won 12% of the vote with PDI-P winning 33% of the vote. With his party victory, Megawati is expected to win the presidential election at the MPR General Assembly. However, PDI-P does not have a full majority seat, thus forming an alliance with PKB. In July, Amien Rais formed the Central Axis, a coalition of Muslim parties. Central Axis began to nominate Abdurrahman as the third candidate in the presidential election and PKB's commitment to PDI-P began to change.
On 7 October 1999, Amien and Central Axis officially declared Abdurrahman Wahid as a presidential candidate. On 19 October 1999, the MPR rejected Habibie's accountability speech and he resigned from the presidential election. Moments later, Akbar Tanjung, chairman of Golkar and chairman of the House of Representatives (DPR) said Golkar would support Abdurrahman. On October 20, 1999, the MPR again gathered and began to elect a new president. Abdurrahman Wahid was later elected as the 4th Indonesian President with 373 votes, while Megawati only 313 votes.
Unhappy that their candidate failed to win the election, Megawati's supporters went berserk and Gus Dur realized that Megawati should be elected vice president. After convincing General Wiranto not to participate in the vice-presidential election and to make the PKB support Megawati, Gus Dur also succeeded in convincing Megawati to participate. On 21 October 1999, Megawati participated in the vice presidential election and defeated Hamzah Haz from PPP.

Presidency

1999

Gus Dur's first cabinet, the National Unity Cabinet, is a coalition cabinet that includes members of various political parties: PDI-P, PKB, Golkar, PPP, PAN and Justice Party (PK). Non-partisan and TNI are also present in the cabinet. Wahid then began two government reforms. The first reform was to disband the Ministry of Information, the main weapon of the Soeharto regime in controlling the media. The second reform was to dissolve the corrupt Ministry of Social Affairs.
In November 1999, Wahid visited ASEAN member countries, Japan, the United States, Qatar, Kuwait, and Jordan. After that, in December, he visited the People's Republic of China.
After a month in the National Unity Cabinet, Coordinating Minister for Poverty Alleviation (Coordinating Minister for Poverty) Hamzah Haz announced his resignation in November. There was allegations that his resignation was due to Abdurrahman accusing some members of the cabinet of corruption while he was still in the United States. Some suspect that Hamzah Haz's resignation was due to his displeasure over Abdurrahman's approach with Israel.
Gus Dur's plan was to give Aceh a referendum. But this referendum determines autonomy and not independence like the East Timor referendum. Gus Dur also wanted to adopt a more gentle approach to Aceh by reducing the number of military personnel in the Serambi Country of Mecca. On December 30, Gus Dur visited Jayapura in the province of Irian Jaya. During his visit Abdurrahman Wahid convinced the Papuan leaders that he encouraged the use of the Papuan name.

2000

In January 2000, Abdurrahman traveled overseas to Switzerland to attend the World Economic Forum and visit Saudi Arabia on his way back to Indonesia. In February, Wahid traveled overseas to other Europe by visiting England, France, the Netherlands, Germany and Italy. On his way home from Europe, Gus Dur also visited India, South Korea, Thailand, and Brunei Darussalam. In March, Abdurrahman visited Timor Leste. In April, Wahid visited South Africa on his way to Cuba to attend the G-77 meeting, before returning through Mexico City and Hong Kong. In June, Wahid once again visited America, Japan and France with Iran, Pakistan and Egypt as new additions to the list of countries he visited.
When Gus Dur traveled to Europe in February, he began to ask General Wiranto to resign from the post of Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs. Gus Dur saw Wiranto as an obstacle to the military reform plan and also because of allegations of human rights abuses in East Timor against Wiranto.
When Gus Dur returned to Jakarta, Wiranto talked to him and managed to convince Gus Dur not to replace him. However, Abdurrahman changed his mind and asked him to withdraw. In April 2000, Gus Dur dismissed Minister of Industry and Trade Jusuf Kalla and State Minister for State Enterprises Laksamana Sukardi. The reason given by Wahid is that both were involved in corruption cases, even though Abdurrahman never provided strong evidence. This worsened Gus Dur's relationship with Golkar and PDI-P.
In March 2000, Gus Dur's government began to negotiate with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Two months later, the government signed a memorandum of understanding with GAM until early 2001, when the two signatories would violate the agreement. Gus Dur also proposed that TAP MPRS no. XXIX / MPR / 1966 which prohibits Marxism-Leninism revoked.

He also tried to open relations with Israel, which caused anger at Indonesian Muslim groups. The issue was raised in the speech of Ribbhi Awad, the Palestinian ambassador to Indonesia, to the Palestinian parliament in 2000. Another issue that arose was Gus Dur's membership to the Shimon Peres Foundation. Both Gus Dur and his foreign minister Alwi Shihab opposed the inappropriate depiction of the Indonesian President, and Alwi requested that Awad, the Palestinian ambassador to Indonesia, be replaced.
In an attempt to reform the military and remove the military from the socio-political space, Abdurrahman found an ally, Agus Wirahadikusumah, whom he appointed as Commander of Kostrad in March. In July 2000, Agus began opening a scandal involving Dharma Putra, a foundation with links to Kostrad. Through Megawati, members of the TNI began pressuring Wahid to dismantle Agus. Abdurrahman followed the pressure, but planned to appoint Agus as Army Chief of Staff. The TNI chief responded by threatening to retire, so Gus Dur again had to comply with the pressure.
Abdurrahman's relationship with the TNI got worse as Laskar Jihad arrived in Maluku and armed by the TNI. Laskar Jihad goes to Maluku to help Muslims in conflict with Christians. Wahid asked the TNI to stop Laskar Jihad, but they still managed to reach Maluku and armed by TNI weapons.
There were also two scandals in 2000, the Buloggate and Bruneigate scandals. In May, the Logistics Agency (Bulog) reported that $ 4 million disappeared from Bulog's cash supply. Personal mask Gus Dur claimed that he was sent by Gus Dur to Bulog to take the money. Although the money was returned, Gus Dur's enemies accused him of being involved in the scandal. This scandal is called the Buloggate scandal. At the same time, Gus Dur was also accused of saving $ 2 million for himself. The money is a donation from the Sultan of Brunei to help in Aceh. However, Gus Dur failed to account for the fund. This scandal is called the Bruneigate scandal.
The 2000 General Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) was almost over, Gus Dur's popularity was still high. Wahid's allies such as Megawati, Akbar and Amien still support him despite scandals and ministerial dismissals. At the General Session of the People's Consultative Assembly, Wahid's speech was accepted by the majority of MPR members. During the speech, Wahid realized his weakness as a leader and stated he would represent some tasks. MPR members agreed and suggested that Megawati accept the assignment. At first the MPR planned to apply this proposal as TAP MPR, but the Presidential Decree is considered sufficient. On August 23, Wahid announced a new cabinet even though Megawati wanted the announcement postponed. Megawati showed her displeasure by not being present at the cabinet announcement. The new cabinet is smaller and includes more non-partisans. There were no Golkar members in Gus Dur's new cabinet.
In September, Gus Dur declared martial law in the Moluccas because of the worsening conditions there. At that time it became clear that Laskar Jihad was supported by TNI members and possibly funded by Fuad Bawazier, Suharto's last finance minister. In the same month, the Morning Star flag fluttered in West Papua. Gus Dur allowed the Morning Star flag to fly as long as it was under the banner of Indonesia. He was criticized by Megawati and Akbar for this. On 24 December 2000, there were bomb attacks on churches in Jakarta and eight other cities across Indonesia.
At the end of 2000, there were many political elites who were disappointed with Abdurrahman Wahid. The person who most shows his disappointment is Amien. He expressed his disappointment in supporting Abdurrahman as president last year. Amien also tried to gather opposition by convincing Megawati and Gus Dur to stretch their political muscles. Megawati protected Abdurrahman while Akbar waited for the 2004 legislative elections. At the end of November, 151 House members signed a petition calling for the impeachment of Abdurrahman.

2001 and the end of power

In January 2001, Gus Dur announced that the Lunar New Year was an optional holiday. This action was followed by the lifting of the ban on the use of Chinese characters. Gus Dur then visited North Africa as well as Saudi Arabia for the pilgrimage. Abdurrahman Wahid made his last overseas trip as president in June 2001 when he visited Australia.
At a meeting with university rectors on January 27, 2001, Gus Dur declared the possibility of Indonesia entering into anarchism. He then proposed the dissolution of the House of Representatives if this happened. The meeting added the anti-Wahid movement. On February 1, the House met to issue a note to Gus Dur. The memo contains the holding of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly in which the President's impeachment may take place. PKB members can only walk out in response to this. This note also caused protests between NU. In East Java, NU members protested around the Golkar regional office. In Jakarta, Gus Dur's opposition accused him of pushing the protests. Gus Dur denied and went to talk with demonstrators in Pasuruan. However, NU demonstrators continued to show their support for Gus Dur and in April announced that they were ready to defend Abdurrahman as president until death.
In March, Abdurrahman tried to counter the opposition by fighting the incident in his cabinet. Justice and Human Rights Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra was removed from the cabinet because he announced a request for Gus Dur to resign. Forestry Minister Nurmahmudi Ismail was also dismissed on the grounds of a different vision with the President, opposed to policy making, and was considered unable to control the Justice Party, at which time his masses participated in the action demanding Gus Dur to resign. In response to this, Megawati began to keep her distance and was not present in the inauguration of the minister's replacement. On April 30, the House of Representatives issued a second note and requested the holding of the MPR Special Session on 1 August.
Abdurrahman began to despair and asked the Coordinating Minister for Political, Social and Security Affairs (Menko Polsoskam) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to declare a state of emergency. Yudhoyono refused and Gus Dur dismissed him from his post and four other ministers in a cabinet reshuffle on July 1, 2001. Finally on July 20, Amien Rais stated that the Special Session of the MPR would be brought forward on July 23. TNI deployed 40,000 troops in Jakarta and also lowered tanks pointing towards the State Palace as a form of power appointment. Abdurrahman then announced the imposition of a decree containing (1) the dissolution of the MPR / DPR, (2) restoring sovereignty to the people by speeding up elections within a year, and (3) freezing the Golkar Party as a form of opposition to the MPR Special Session. But the decree was not supported and on July 23, the MPR formally impeached Gus Dur and replaced it with Megawati Sukarnoputri. Abdurrahman Wahid continued to insist that he was president and remained at the State Palace for several days, but finally on July 25 he went to the United States because of health problems.

Activity after presidency

The split on PKB's body

Prior to the Special Session of the MPR, PKB members agreed not to attend as a symbol of solidarity. However, Matori Abdul Djalil, chairman of the PKB, insisted on attending because he is the Vice Chairman of the MPR. With his position as Chairman of the Syuro Council, Gus Dur dropped Matori's position as Chairman of the PKB on 15 August 2001 and prohibited him from participating in the party's activities before revoking Matori's membership in November. On January 14, 2002, Matori held a Special Congress attended by his supporters in PKB. The National Assembly elected him again as chairman of the PKB. Gus Dur responded by holding his own National Conference on 17 January, the day after the Matori National Assembly finished the National Conference electing Gus Dur as Chairman of the Advisory Board and Alwi Shihab as Chairman of the PKB. PKB Gus Dur is better known as PKB Kuningan while PKB Matori is known as PKB Batutulis.

2004 elections

In April 2004, PKB participated in the 2004 Indonesian House of Representatives, DPD and DPRD elections, earning 10.6% of the votes. For the 2004 Indonesian Presidential and Vice Presidential Elections, where the people will vote directly, PKB elect Wahid as a presidential candidate. However, Gus Dur failed to pass a medical examination so the General Election Commission declined to include him as a candidate. Gus Dur then supported Solahuddin who was a couple from Wiranto. On 5 July 2004, Wiranto and Solahuddin lost the election. For the second election between the Yudhoyono-Kalla couples and Megawati-Muzadi, Gus Dur declared golput.

Opposition to the SBY government

In August 2005, Abdurrahman became one of the leaders of a political coalition called Coalition Nusantara Bangkit Bersatu. Together with Try Sutrisno, Wiranto, Akbar Tanjung and Megawati, the coalition criticized the government policy of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, especially regarding the removal of fuel subsidies that will lead to higher fuel prices.

Personal life

Wahid is married to Sinta Nuriyah and has four children: Alissa Qotrunnada, Zannuba Ariffah Chafsoh (Yenny), Anita Hayatunnufus, and Inayah Wulandari. Yenny is also actively involved in the National Awakening Party and is currently the director of The Wahid Institute.

Dead

Abdurrahman suffered from many illnesses, even since he took office as president. He suffers from visual disturbances, so often letters and books to read or write must be read or written by others. Several times he suffered a stroke. Diabetes and kidney disorders also suffered. He died on Wednesday, December 30, 2009, at Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital, Jakarta, at 6:45 pm due to various complications of the disease, which he suffered for a long time. Before he died he had to undergo regular hemodialysis (dialysis). According to his brother Salahuddin Wahid, Abdurrahman died of clogged arteries. A week before being transferred to Jakarta he was treated in Jombang after traveling in East Java.

Testimonials

KH. Mustofa Bisri (Gus Mus):
"In my opinion, Gus Dur was sent by God, to teach Indonesia to be different from the others. Therefore, Gus Dur is very controversial, every attitude and his words cause controversy. That way, Indonesians will learn how to be different from others. That is actually the essence of Gus Dur's presence in Indonesia. Then, we will become a truly democratic country, because of mutual respect for the opinions of others. We are a very plural country, very diverse. We have the slogan of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity), and it lately is like being challenged by people who can not be different from their brothers. Abdurrahman was instrumental, very meritorious and numerous. Maybe later, his followers are responsible for continuing his struggle. "

Guruh Soekarnoputra:
"I think he deserves to be a national hero. Many of the things that need to be emulated and must be passed down to the younger generation. For example what made a book about his thoughts, his biography and so on. "

Viryanadi Mahatera:
"Gus Dur is one of the truly universal figures. During this time Gus Dur is often present in our midst. Every time there are big events, such as seminars, talk shows in the context of pluralism, and others. And what it says; Messages, clues, counsels, these bring progress to the Buddhist community in particular. Gus Dur is our advisor. "

Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono:
"As a reformer, the deceased has taught us to universal ideas of our importance as a diverse nation that respects and values ??justice. Through his words, traits, and deeds, Gus Dur inflames and institutionalizes our respect for pluralism and mixed identities of religious, ethnic, and regional differences. Whether realized or not, in fact he is the father of pluralism of multiculturalism in Indonesia. "

Appreciation

In 1993, Gus Dur received the Ramon Magsaysay Award, a prestigious award for the Community Leadership category.
Wahid was named the "Father of China" by some Chinese characters in Semarang at the Tay Kak Sie Temple, Gang Lombok, which is known as the Chinatown area on March 10, 2004.
He was awarded by Simon Wiesenthal Center, a foundation dealing with human rights enforcement. Wahid received the award because according to them he is one of the figures who care about human rights issues. Gus Dur received an award from Los Angeles-based Mebal Valor because Wahid was judged to have the courage to defend the minorities, one of them in defending Confucian communities in Indonesia in obtaining his rights which had been locked up during the New Order era. Wahid also received an award from Temple University. His name is immortalized as the name of the study group Abdurrahman Wahid Chair of Islamic Study. On July 21, 2010, despite his death, he received a Lifetime Achievement Award in Liputan 6 Awards 2010. The award was handed over directly to Sinta Nuriyah, Gus Dur's wife.
On August 11, 2006, Arivia Girl and Gus Dur got Tasrif Award-AJI as Freedom Fighters 2006. This award was given by Alliance of Independent Journalist (AJI). Abdurrahman and Gadis Dur are considered to have the spirit, vision and commitment in fighting for freedom of expression, equality, diversity and democracy in Indonesia. Abdurrahman and Gadis Dur were elected by a jury consisting of cultural expert Butet Kertaradjasa, editor-in-chief of The Jakarta Post Endy Bayuni, and Chairman of the National Commission of Women Chandra Kirana. They won over 23 other candidates. The Tasrif Award for Gus Dur drew protests from journalists who attended the press conference. A journalist said that just because of Gus Dur's efforts against the Anti-Porno-action Bill and Pornography, he received the award. Other journalists such as Ati Nurbaiti, former Chairman of AJI Indonesia and The Jakarta Post journalist denied and questioned Wahid's struggle against the APP bill with press freedom

History of Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, the 3rd President of Indonesian

Prof. Dr.-Ing. H. Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, born in Parepare, South Sulawesi, June 25, 1936; Age 81 is the third President of the Republic of Indonesia. He succeeded Suharto who resigned from the post of president on 21 May 1998. His post was replaced by Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) who was elected president on October 20, 1999 by the MPR election results 1999. By taking office for 2 months and 7 days as vice president, And 1 year and 5 months as president, Habibie is the Vice President and President of Indonesia with the shortest term. Currently, his name is immortalized as the name of one of the universities in Gorontalo, replacing the name of Universitas Negeri Gorontalo

Family and education

Habibie is the fourth of eight children, Alwi Abdul Jalil Habibie and R.A. Tuti Marini Puspowardojo. His father who works as an agricultural expert comes from ethnic Gorontalo and has Bugis descent, while his mother is a Javanese. R.A. Tuti Marini Puspowardojo was the son of an eye specialist in Yogya, and his father, Puspowardjojo, served as the owner of the school.

B.J. Habibie married Hasri Ainun Besari on May 12, 1962, and was blessed with two sons, Ilham Akbar Habibie and Thareq Kemal Habibie.

He once learned in SMAK Dago. He studied mechanical engineering at the University of Bandung Bandung (now the Bandung Institute of Technology) in 1954. In 1955-1965 he continued his aviation engineering studies, specializing in aircraft construction, at RWTH Aachen, West Germany, receiving an Ingenieur diploma degree in 1960 and an Ingenieur doctorate In 1965 with the summa cum laude predicate.

Jobs and careers

Habibie worked at Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm, a company based in Hamburg, Germany, reaching the pinnacle of his career as a vice president of technology. In 1973, he returned to Indonesia at the request of former president Soeharto.

He served as Minister of State for Research and Technology from 1978 to March 1998. Prior to serving as President (May 21, 1998 - October 20, 1999), B.J. Habibie was Vice President (March 14, 1998 - May 21, 1998) in the VII Development Cabinet under President Soeharto. He was appointed chairman of ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Intellectual Association), during his tenure as minister.

Presidency

 

Habibie inherited the state of chaotic state after the resignation of Soeharto in the New Order era, resulting in the rise of riots and disintegerasi almost all parts of Indonesia. Immediately after obtaining power President Habibie immediately formed a cabinet. One of its important tasks is to re-gain support from the International Monetary Fund and donor community communities for economic recovery programs. He also frees political prisoners and reduces control of freedom of expression and organizational activities.

In the era of his short rule he succeeded in providing a solid foundation for Indonesia, in the era of Anti-Monopoly Law or the Law of Fair Competition, the change of Political Party Law and the most important is the Regional Autonomy Law. Through the implementation of the regional autonomy law, the disintegration fluctuation inherited since the New Order era was successfully muted and finally completed in the era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, without any regional autonomy law it is certain that Indonesia will suffer the same fate as the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia.

Appointment of B.J. Habibie as President raises various controversies for the people of Indonesia. The pro party considers Habibie's appointment to be constitutional. This is in accordance with the provisions of Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution stating that "if the President dies, stops, or can not perform his duties in his term of office, he shall be replaced by the Vice President until expired". While the counter party considers that the appointment of B.J. Habibie is considered unconstitutional. This is contrary to the provisions of Article 9 of the 1945 Constitution which states that "before the president takes office, the president must swear an oath or pledge in front of the MPR or DPR".

The steps taken by BJ Habibie in politics are:
Giving freedom to the people to channel their aspirations so that many emerging new political parties as many as 48 political parties.
Freeing political prisoners such as Sri Bintang Pamungkas (former member of the House who was imprisoned for criticizing President Suharto) and Muchtar Pakpahan (the labor leader who was sentenced for allegedly sparking riots in Medan in 1994)
Revoke the ban on the establishment of independent trade unions
Establish three democratic laws:
- UU no. 2 of 1999 on Political Parties
- UU no. 3 of 1999 on General Election
- UU no. 4 of 1999 on the Composition of the House of Representative / People's Consultative Assembly
Establish 12 MPR Decrees and there are 4 provisions that reflect the answers to the demands of reform:
- MPR Decree No. VIII / MPR / 1998, concerning the revocation of Tap No. IV / MPR / 1983 on Referendum
- MPR Decree No. XVIII / MPR / 1998, concerning the revocation of MPR Decree No. II / MPR / 1978 on Pancasila as a single principle
- MPR Decree No. XII / MPR / 1998, concerning the revocation of MPR Decree No. V / MPR / 1978 on the President gets the mandate of the MPR to have rights and policies outside the limits of legislation
- MPR Decree No. XIII / MPR / 1998, on the limitation of the term of office of President and Vice President is maximum only two periods.

12 MPR Decrees include:
- MPR Decree No. X / MPR / 1998, on the main points of development reform in the context of the saving and normalization of national life as the direction of the state.
- MPR Decree No. XI / MPR / 1998, on the administration of a clean and corruption-free country, collusion and nepotism
- MPR Decree No. XIII / MPR / 1998, regarding the limitation of the term of office of the President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia
- MPR Decree No. XV / MPR / 1998, regarding the implementation of regional autonomy
- MPR Decree No. XVI / MPR / 1998, on economic politics in the framework of economic democracy
- MPR Decree No. XVII / MPR / 1998, on Human Rights (HAM)
- MPR Decree No. VII / MPR / 1998, concerning the amendment and supplement to MPR Decree No. I / MPR / 1998 on the rules of the MPR
- MPR Decree No. XIV / MPR / 1998, concerning General Election
- MPR Decree No. III / V / MPR / 1998, regarding the referendum
- MPR Decree No. IX / MPR / 1998, on the GBHN
- MPR Decree No. XII / MPR / 1998 concerning the assignment of special duty and authority to the President / mandate of the People's Consultative Assembly in order to succeed and safeguard the national development as the implementation of Pancasila
- MPR Decree No. XVIII / MPR / 1998, concerning the revocation of the Guidance of Practice and the Application of Pancasila (P4)

In the economic field, he managed to cut the rupiah against the dollar is still between Rp 10,000 - Rp 15,000. But at the end of his reign, especially after his accountability was rejected by the MPR, the rupiah's exchange rate skyrocketed to Rp 6500 per US dollar value that will never be achieved again in the next administration era. In addition, he also began to implement the independence of Bank Indonesia to focus more on taking care of the economy. To resolve the monetary crisis and Indonesia's economic recovery, BJ Habibie undertook the following steps:
- To restructure and recapitulate banks through the establishment of IBRA and State Asset Management units
- Liquidate some troubled banks
- Raised the rupiah against the dollar to below Rp. 10.000,00
- Establish a monitoring and resolving agency for foreign debt problems
- Implementing the economic reforms required by the IMF
- Legalizing Law no. 5 of 1999 on Prohibition of Monopolistic Practices and Unfair Competition
- Legalizing Law no. 8 of 1999 on Consumer Protection

According to the opposition, one of the biggest mistakes he made while serving as President was to allow a referendum of the provinces of East Timor (now Timor Leste). He proposed something quite shocking to the public at that time, namely holding a poll for East Timorese to vote independently or still remain part of Indonesia. During his presidency, East Timor was separated from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and became a separate sovereign state on 30 August 1999.
It was this case that prompted the dissatisfied opposition to Habibie's background to intensify him. This effort finally succeeded during the 1999 General Assembly, he decided not to run again after his accountability report was rejected by the MPR.
The view on the Habibie administration in the early reform era tended to be negative, but in line with the development of the time many of the Habibie governments were positive. One of the positive views was raised by L. Misbah Hidayat in his book Administrative Reform: Comparative Study of the Three Presidential Governments.

"Habibie's vision, mission and leadership in running the reform agenda can not be separated from his life experience. Each decision is based on measurable factors. So no wonder every policy taken sometimes make people shocked and do not understand. Even some people consider Habibie apolitical and unfeeling. Such a Habibie leadership pattern is understandable given his educational background as a doctor in the field of aircraft construction. In connection with the spirit of democratization, Habibie has made changes by building a transparent and dialogical government. The principle of democracy is also applied in economic policy which is accompanied by law enforcement and is aimed at the welfare of the people. In managing the daily cabinet activities, Habibie made major changes. It enhances coordination and eliminates the intercultural egotentism between ministries. In addition, a number of creativity coloring Habibie's leadership style in addressing the nation's problems. To overcome the economic problem, for example, he raised the entrepreneur into a special envoy. And the entrepreneur himself bears the cost. The task is very important, because one of the weaknesses of the government is the lack of explaining the real state of Indonesia in the international community. Meanwhile, the press, especially foreign press, seems to only expose negative news about Indonesia so it is not balanced in the news. "

Post-presidency

After he was no longer president, he preferred to live in Germany rather than in Indonesia. However, when the presidential era of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, he was again active as a presidential advisor to oversee the democratization process in Indonesia through the organization he founded Habibie Center.
B. J. Habibie also serves as the President Commissioner of PT. Regio Aviasi Industri, the R-80 aircraft designer

The Love Story of Habibie In Ainun That Never Came While Destroying

The romance and love of the third President of RI BJ Habibie to his deceased wife Ainun not only depicted through the film alone. Love is real and still continues although physically Mrs. Ainun is no longer present to accompany Mr. Habibie.

Several years ago, the woman who had been forty-eight years old, accompanied by Mr. Habibie, died of illness. Deep grief struck Mr. Habibie. Just imagine, the woman who became the first love and accompany his career from Germany to become president of the Republic of Indonesia, suddenly had to leave. Although Mr. Habibie no longer wept for his wife's departure, but love was always present and never replaced.

Love is manifested in the form of flowers that always adorn the grave of Mother Ainun.
Such is the netizen's recognition that tells about the tomb of Ainun's mother who always adorned with fresh flowers. The Path User recalled that when he drove to his opanya grave at Kalibata Hero Cemetery, he found a beautiful tomb with fresh flowers. After asking the guard, he also found that the grave was the grave of Mrs. Ainun, the wife of the 3rd President of Indonesia Mr. BJ Habibie. The touching story was also distributed to the virtual world.

Every Friday, Mr. Habibie always visits the tomb of Ibu Ainun to pray and tahlilan there.
According to the guard of the tomb, Mr. Habibie routinely came to the grave of Mrs. Ainun with flowers. In the first weeks since Ainun's departure, almost every day Habibie came to his wife's grave and read a prayer. Because of this habit one of Habibie's companions, Alm. Rosihan Anwar, once advised him. He said he had experienced the same thing with Pak Habibie; ie feel lost and visit the tomb every day. In Mr. Habibie, Rosihan Anwar tries to remind him that his life must continue to run, although the love is never extinguished. Now Habibie only took the time to go to the tomb on Friday.

Every other day, there are always people who come to clean and change the flowers in the grave of Ibu Ainun.
In the story written netizen is also told that every two days there are always people who come to change flowers at the tomb of Ainun mother. Apparently, Mr. Habibie always remember that Mother Ainun always likes the beauty. For that Mr. Habibie did not want the tomb of Mrs. Ainun looked lonely. Through fresh flowers, Mr. Habibie seemed to want to bring freshness in the grave of Mother Ainun.

Mr. Habibie has also prepared a special land next to the grave of Mother Ainun, if it is called the Creator was he did not want all the way from his lover.
In a photo uploaded by one of the netizens it also appears that the land next to Ainun's mother is still empty. Yes. The land was specially prepared for Mr. Habibie. As a human being, Mr. Habibie realized that in time there would be a time when he had to leave the world because he was called the Creator. For that, Mr. Habibie has prepared a place for his long break later. The place was none other right beside Mother Ainun.

Not just touching, the story of Habibie and Ainun also gives us a lesson that love can continue to grow and can be expressed even to those who have gone forever.
From the story of Mr. Habibie and Ibu Ainun, we get a lot of lessons. About the love that grows simply. About the life struggle that is passed by sharing. And, about the sincerity of the heart that must be passed when one must go. Mr. Habibie's love for this wife also teaches us that true love will not be able to go even physically, he who we love is no longer visible. Pak Habibie also taught us how to remember those who had already left. Sending prayer is the best way to love those who have been called the Creator.

History of Soeharto, the 2nd President of Indonesian

TNI General Ret. HM Soeharto, born in Kemusuk Hamlet, Argomulyo Village, Sedayu District, Bantul, Yogyakarta, June 8, 1921 - died in Jakarta, January 27, 2008 at the age of 86, is the second President of Indonesia who served from 1967 Until 1998, replacing Sukarno. In the international world, especially in the Western World, Suharto is often referred to as the popular "The Smiling General" (Indonesian: "The Smiling General") because of his always smiling face.
Before becoming president, Suharto was a military leader during the Japanese and Dutch occupation, with the last rank of Major General. After the September 30th Movement of 1965, Suharto declared that the PKI was the responsible party and led the operation to crush it. This operation killed more than 500,000 people.
Soeharto then took power from Sukarno, and officially became president in 1968. He was re-elected by the MPR in 1973, 1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, and 1998. In 1998, his term ended after resigning on 21 May Year, following the May 1998 riots and the occupation of the DPR / MPR building by thousands of students. He is the longest person who served as president of Indonesia. Soeharto was replaced by B.J. Habibie.
Suharto's legacy is still debated to this day. In his reign, called the New Order, Suharto built a stable state and achieved economic and infrastructure progress. Suharto also considered limiting the freedom of Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent, occupying East Timor, and considered the most corrupt regime with the amount of US $ 15 billion to $ 35 billion. The attempt to try Soeharto failed because of his deteriorating health. After suffering prolonged illness, he died of multifunctional organ failure in Jakarta on January 27, 2008.

Family

Parents 

On June 8, 1921, Suharto was born by his mother, named Sukirah in Kemusuk Hamlet, Argomulyo Village, Sedayu Subdistrict, Bantul, Yogyakarta. The birth was assisted by a birth shaman named Mbah Kromodiryo who is also the younger brother of Sukirah, Mbah Kertoirono.
In his autobiography My Mind, Speech and Action compiled by G. Dwipayana, Sukirah is described by Soeharto as a young mother who is having difficulty thinking about domestic matters. However, many records in other Soeharto history books that many mention Sukirah are experiencing very difficult mental problems. Before Suharto (born June 8, 1921) was forty days old, Sukirah had to face divorce divorce her husband, Kertosudiro.
Kertosudiro, a poor irrigation master who later became Soeharto's father, did not play much of the role in Soeharto's life. In fact, many Suharto observers, such as R.E. Elson, several biographers and close people, including former Minister of Information close to Soeharto, Mashuri, believed that Kertosudiro was not Soeharto's real father. In 1974, there was a horrendous news from a gossip magazine called 'POP' with a storyline that revealed the old story that Suharto was the son of Padmodipuro, a nobleman of Hamengkubowono II. A small Soeharto 6-year-old was dumped into the village and raised by Kertosudiro. This was later strongly denied by Soeharto. Half of his wrath, Soeharto held a press conference at Bina Graha that the coverage of his noble children's origins could be a subversive ride. Soeharto in his own way wanted to impress that he was a village boy.
The unclear origin of Soeharto's genealogy is still unsolved. However, of all that, Suharto's baby is in the world with a less favorable family condition. Sukirah who is distressed and happy to be imprisoned has been found to be dying somewhere because she forced herself to fast (not eating and drinking for 40 days) in a hidden place, and the loss of the panicked villagers had caused the villagers to search for them. Aware of Sukirah's unfavorable condition, Sukirah's family finally decided to hand over Suharto's baby care to Kertosudiro's elder sister.
Sukirah remarried with Pramono and was blessed with seven children, including the second son, Probosutedjo.

Wife and children

Soeharto married Raden Ayu Siti Hartinah, son of KRMT Soemoharyomo. Soemoharyomo was a Wedana in Solo. The marriage of Lieutenant Colonel (Lieutenant Colonel) Soeharto with Siti Hartinah (later known as Tien Soeharto) was held on December 26, 1947 in Solo. At that time, Suharto was 26 years old, while Siti Hartinah was 24 years old. The couple is blessed with six sons and daughters, namely Siti Hardiyanti Hastuti (Tutut), Sigit Harjojudanto, Bambang Trihatmodjo, Siti Hediati Harijadi (Titiek), Hutomo Mandala Putra (Tommy), and Siti Hutami Endang Adiningsih (Mamiek).

Childhood and education

Soeharto is not like other village children who have to work in the fields. In a very young age, he was educated by Kertosudiro. There were no reports of Soeharto's time at the People's School (at elementary school level). Suharto's impression in elementary school was only in his memory of his buffalo. Soeharto's world is only concerned with buffalo grazing, away from the stories children get from books that are often read by elementary school children. This is different, for example with the story of Sukarno when he was still in elementary school that many stories about his school and what he read, as well as Hatta and Sjahrir who since childhood are familiar with Karl May or the story of Charles Dickens novels.
As he grew older, Suharto lived with his grandfather, Mbah Atmosudiro, the father of his mother. Soeharto schooled when he was eight years old, but often moved. Originally schooled in Elementary School (SD) in Puluhan Village, Godean. Then, move to SD Pedes (Yogyakarta) because his mother and stepfather, Pramono, moved house to Kemusuk Kidul. Kertosudiro then moved Soeharto to Wuryantoro, Wonogiri, Central Java. Soeharto was entrusted to the house of his aunt who married a farmer named Prawirowihardjo. Suharto was accepted as the oldest son and treated the same as Prawirowihardjo's sons and daughters. Soeharto then schooled and pursue all the lessons, especially counting. He also received a strong religious education from his aunt's family.
The farming craze grew during Suharto's stay in Wuryantoro. Under the guidance of his uncle's peasant mantri, Suharto became aware and pursue agriculture. After school, Soeharto learned to study in the studio with his friends, even lasting all night. He was also active in Hizbul Wathan scouting and got to know the heroes like Raden Ajeng Kartini and Prince Diponegoro from a newspaper that reached the village. After four years of high school, Suharto was sent to his secondary school by his parents to Wonogiri. After 14 years old, Suharto lived in Hardjowijono's home. Hardjowijono is a friend of his father who is a retired railway employee. Hardjowijono was also a loyal follower of Kiai Darjatmo, a prominent religious figure in Wonogiri at the time.
Because often invited, Suharto often help Kiai Darjatmo make prescription traditional medicine to treat the sick. Suharto returned to his home village, Kemusuk, to continue his studies at the Muhammadiyah Junior High School (SMP) in Yogyakarta. It is done because in that school students may wear a sarong and without wearing footwear (shoes).
At the end of junior high school, Soeharto actually wanted to go to a higher school. What power, father and other families are not able to finance due to economic conditions. Soeharto was trying to find work around, but failed. He returned to his aunt's house in Wuryantoro. There, he was accepted as an assistant clerk at a Village Bank (Volk-bank). Not long after, he asked to stop.
One day in 1942, Suharto read the announcement of acceptance of members of the Koninklijk Nederlands Indisce Leger (KNIL). KNIL is the Dutch royal army. He enlisted and was accepted into the army. At that time, he had only served seven days with the rank of sergeant because the Dutch surrendered to Japan. Sergeant Soeharto then returned to Hamlet. It was precisely here that his military career began.

Military career

On June 1, 1940, he was accepted as a student at a military school in Gombong, Central Java. After six months of basic training, he graduated as the best graduate and received the rank of corporal. He was elected as an exemplary soldier at Sekolah Bintara, Gombong, and officially became a TNI member on 5 October 1945.
He joined the Dutch colonial army, KNIL. When World War II raged in 1942, he was sent to Bandung to serve as a reserve army at the Army HQ for a week. After being a sergeant of the KNIL army, he became a platoon commander, a Japanese-sponsored military company commander known as PETA soldiers, regimental commander with rank of major, and battalion commander with a rank of lieutenant colonel.
After the War of Independence ended, he remained the Commander of the Garuda Mataram Brigade with the rank of lieutenant colonel. He led the Garuda Mataram Brigade in the crackdown of Andi Azis rebellion in Sulawesi. Later, he was appointed as Komadan APRIS (Armed Forces of the United States of Indonesia) Makassar City Sector in charge of securing the city from interference KNIL / KL.
On March 1, 1949, he participated in a general offensive that succeeded in occupying the city of Yogyakarta for six hours. The initiative came with the advice of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX to the Great Commander Soedirman that Brigade X led by Lieutenant Colonel Soeharto immediately launched a general attack on Yogyakarta and occupied the city for six hours to prove that the Republic of Indonesia (RI) still exists.
At the age of about 32, his duties were transferred to the Division Headquarters and appointed Commander of the 15th Infantry Regiment with the rank of lieutenant colonel (1 March 1953). On June 3, 1956, he was appointed Chief of Staff of the Commander of the Army and Territorium IV Diponegoro in Semarang. From the Chief of Staff, he was appointed as the Commander of the Army and Territorium IV Diponegoro. On January 1, 1957, his rank was raised to colonel.
The black sheets also colored his military journey. He was once dismissed by General Nasution as the Diponegoro Commander. The event of dismissal on October 17, 1959 was due to his act known to use his military institution to request money from companies in Central Java. His case was almost brought to the military court by Colonel Ahmad Yani. At the suggestion of General Gatot Subroto at that time, he was released and transferred to the Army Staff and Command School (SESKOAD) in Bandung, West Java. At the age of 38, he attended C SSKAD (School Staff and Command AD) course in Bandung and was promoted to brigadier general on January 1, 1960. Later, he was appointed Deputy I Chief of Staff of the Army at the age of 39 years.
On October 1, 1961, the dual position as Commander of the Civil Army Corps I (C Reserves) which he had assumed when he was 40 years old increased with his new position as Commander of the Army of Command (Kohanudad). In 1961, he also served as the Military Attache of the Republic of Indonesia in Belgrade, Paris (France), and Bonn (Germany). At the age of 41, his rank was promoted to major general (January 1, 1962) and became Commander of Mandala Liberation Command of West Irian and concurrently as Deputy of Eastern Indonesia Region in Makassar. Upon his return from East Indonesia, Suharto, who had been promoted to major general, was withdrawn to ABRI headquarters by General A.H. Nasution. In mid-1962, Suharto was appointed Commander of the Army Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) until 1965.
About a year later, on January 2, 1962, Brigadier General Suharto was appointed Commander of the Mandala Liberation Command of West Irian. Major General Soeharto was inaugurated as Minister of Commander of the Army and immediately dissolved the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and its mass organizations. After he was appointed Commander of the Army Strategic Command (Kostrad) on May 1, 1963, he formed the Operation Command for Restoring Security and Order (Kopkamtib) to compensate for the movement that raged on October 1, 1965. Two days later, exactly 3 October 1965, Major General Soeharto was appointed as Commander of Kopkamtib. This position gave great powers to carry out the purge of those accused of being the perpetrators of the movement.

Rise to power

On the morning of October 1, 1965, some of the Presidential guard, Tjakrabirawa under Lieutenant Colonel Untung Syamsuri along with other troops kidnapped and killed six generals. On that occasion General A.H. Nasution, who served as Coordinating Minister for Defense and Armed Forces Chiefs, escaped. The one saved, which was not the target of the coup attempt was Major General Soeharto, though it was a question of whether Suharto was involved or not in the event known as the movement. Some sources said the involved Tjakrabirawa troops claimed they were trying to stop a military coup backed by the CIA planned to remove President Soekarno from power on "ABRI Day", 5 October 1965 by a military body better known as the Council of Generals.
This event was immediately responded by Maj. Gen. Soeharto to immediately secure Jakarta, according to the official version of history during the New Order period, especially after receiving news that Lt. Gen. Ahmad Yani, Minister / Commander of the Army is unknown. This is in fact based on the prevailing practice in the Army that if the Army Commander is unable to attend, the Commander of Kostrad conducts his duties. This action was reinforced by the decrease of the Order of the Order known as the March 11 (Supersemar) Letter of Supreme Court from President Soekarno which authorized and mandated Suharto to take all measures to restore security and order. Soeharto's decision was to immediately dissolve the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia / PKI) even though it was opposed by President Soekarno, the arrest of a number of ministers suspected of involvement in the movement (September 30th Movement). This action according to international observers is said to be a step to get rid of the pro-Sukarno and pro-Communist Indonesian Armed Forces which is addressed to the Air Force of the Republic of Indonesia where the ranks of its leaders, especially Air Force Commander Rear Admiral Omar Dhani considered pro-Sukarno and Communist, and finally Forcing Sukarno to surrender executive power. The purge of communist elements (PKI) led to the death sentences of members of the Communist Party in Indonesia which led to the systematic murder of about 500,000 "communist suspects", mostly civilians, and violence against the Chinese Chinese minority. Suharto is said to have received CIA support in the communist crackdown. American diplomats 25 years later revealed that they had written a list of "communist operations" of Indonesia and had handed over 5,000 names to the Indonesian military. Been Huang, a former member of the US Embassy in Jakarta, said in 1990 that: "It was a great help for the Armed Forces They might kill a lot of people, and I probably have a lot of blood in my hands but not that bad. You have to hit hard at the right time. " Howard Fenderspiel, an Indonesian expert at the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research in 1965: "Nobody cares, as long as they are communists, that they are massacred.No one works about it." 1 He ended the confrontation with Malaysia in order to free up resources at military.
After being sworn in as Commander of the Army Commander on October 14, 1965, he immediately dissolved the PKI and its mass organizations. Exactly March 11, 1966, he received a Letter of Command of March (Supersemar) from President Soekarno through three generals, namely Basuki Rachmat, Amir Machmud, and M Yusuf. The content of Supersemar is to grant power to Suharto for and on behalf of the President / Supreme Commander / Great Commander of the Revolution in order to take the necessary measures for the assurance of security, tranquility and stability of the government and the course of the revolution. A day later, March 12, 1966, Menpangad Lt. Gen. Soeharto dissolved the PKI and declared a banned party in Indonesia.
Due to the worsening political situation following the outbreak of the movement, the MPRS Special Session in March 1967, Suharto, who had received promotion as a four-star general on July 1, 1966, was appointed presidential official based on MPRS Tap No XXXIII / 1967 on February 22 1967. As the holder of MPRS Decree No XXX / 1967, Soeharto then received the transfer of government power from President Soekarno. Through the MPRS Special Session, on March 7, 1967, Suharto was appointed presidential officer until the election of the president by the MPR elected.
General Soeharto was appointed as a presidential official on 12 March 1967 after President Soekarno's (NAWAKSARA) accountability was rejected by the MPRS. Then, Suharto became president following the outcome of the MPRS General Assembly (MPRS Decree No. XLIV / MPRS / 1968) on 27 March 1968. Besides being president, he also served as Minister of Defense / Security. On June 1, 1968 Old. From now on the term New Order. The composition of the cabinet announced on 10 June 1968 was named the Development Cabinet of the "Five-Year Development Plan" I. On June 15, 1968, President Soeharto formed the Presidential Economic Expert Team consisting of Prof. Dr. Widjojo Nitisastro, Prof. Dr. Ali Wardhana, Prof. Dr. Moh Sadli, Prof. Dr. Soemitro Djojohadikusumo, Prof. Dr. Subroto, Dr. Emil Salim, Drs Frans Seda, and Drs Radius Prawiro.
On July 3, 1971, the president raised 100 members of the House of Representatives from the Armed Forces and gave 9 seats of West Irian Provincial Representative to representatives of Golkar. After joining forces of political parties, Soeharto was re-elected president by the MPR General Assembly (MPR Decree No. IX / MPR / 1973) on 23 March 1973 for the second post. Currently, Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX accompanies him as vice president.
At the age of 55, Suharto entered retirement from military service (Keprres No. 58 / ABRI / 1974). Achievement of the top in the world of politics helped complete the story of his life as a ruler. After reaching the top position in the republic, the power struggle began to show its fangs. On January 20, 1978, President Soeharto banned seven newspapers, Kompas, Sinar Harapan, Merdeka, Pelita, The Indonesian Times, Sinar Pagi and Post Sore. Some of them later apologized to Soeharto.
On March 22, 1978, Suharto was reinstated president for a third term and Adam Malik as vice president. The General Assembly of the People's Consultative Assembly of 1 March 1983 decided to re-elect Soeharto as president and Umar Wirahadikusumah as vice-president. Through MPR Decree No. V 1983, MPR appointed Soeharto as the Father of Development of the Republic of Indonesia. On March 16, 1983, President Soeharto announced the composition of the IV Development Cabinet of 21 ministers, three coordinating ministers, eight young ministers, and three ministerial level officials. On January 1, 1984, President Soeharto filled out Golkar membership forms and has since officially become a member of Golkar.
Some political observers both domestically and abroad say that Soeharto cleans parliament from communists, removes unions and improves censorship. He also broke off diplomatic ties with the People's Republic of China and established ties with western countries and the United Nations. He becomes decisive in all political decisions.
General Soeharto is said to increase military funds and establish two intelligence services: the Command for Restoring Security and Order (Kopkamtib) and the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (Bakin). About 2 million people were executed in mass cleansing and more than 200,000 were arrested only on suspicion of involvement in the coup. Many communists, communist suspects and so-called "enemies of the state" were executed (though some penalties were postponed to 1990).
It is suspected that the list of communist suspects was given to Suharto by the CIA. In addition, the CIA tracked names on this list as the Suharto regime began searching for them. This unspoken support from the United States Government for the Suharto regime remained silent until the invasion of East Timor, and continued into the late 1990s. Due to its rich natural resources and large consumer population, Indonesia is valued as a US trading partner and as well as arms shipments but retained to the Soeharto regime. When Suharto visited Washington in 1995 the Clinton administrative official was quoted in the New York Times as saying that Suharto was "a person like us" or "our faction".
On 12 March 1967 Soeharto was appointed as the Acting President of Indonesia by the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly. A year later, on 27 March 1968 he was officially appointed President for his first five-year term. He directly appoints 20% of MPR members. Golkar Party became the favorite party and the only one received by government officials. Indonesia is also one of the founders of ASEAN.
The Indonesian economy was completely disorganized in the mid-1960s. Soeharto then sought the advice of a team of West-educated economists known as the Berkeley mafia. The short-term goal of this new government is to control inflation, stabilize the value of the rupiah, get foreign debt, and encourage the entry of foreign investment. And for one thing, their success can not be denied. The role of Sudjono Humardani as a great financial assistant means in this achievement.
In the field of social politics, Soeharto handed it to Ali Murtopo as an assistant to political issues. Eliminating the opposition by weakening the power of political parties is done through fusion in the party system.

As president

Rome, Italy, November 14, 1985. The wintering of the city of Rome at that time also bite the body of each participant of the 23rd World Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Conference. Not less than 165 member countries send their representatives to the event that membetot the eye of the world's attention to Indonesia at that time. President Soeharto who succeeded in delivering Indonesia from the world's largest rice importer to self-sufficiency went to the podium to give his speech. He handed over a million tons of dry rice (grain) from farmers to give to the starving Africans.
"If development in the field of food is considered successful, it is a giant work of the entire nation of Indonesia," said President Soeharto in his speech. Therefore, FAO rewarded that success with a special award in the form of gold medal on July 21, 1986. Suharto's achievements in agriculture are fantastic or awesome. Indonesia tastes great self-sufficiency beginning in 1984. Large production in that year reached 25.8 million tons. In fact, the data of 1969 rice produced by Indonesia only 12.2 million tons. The result forced Indonesia to import at least 2 million tons of rice.
Therefore, on March 10, 1988, Suharto was re-elected president by the fifth MPR. The position of vice president was handed over to Sudharmono after competing with DR H J NARO SH Chairman of DPP PPP Once again, the eyes of the world was fixed on a Soeharto. Due to the successful implementation of the population and family planning program, President Soeharto was awarded an individual awards charter at the United Nations Headquarters in New York on June 8, 1989. "The increase in food production does not mean much if the population growth is out of control," Soeharto.
He was awarded the UN Population Award, the highest UN award in the field of residence. The award was presented directly by UN Secretary General Javier de Cueller at United Nations Headquarters in New York to coincide with the 68th anniversary of Suharto on June 8, 1989. Suharto increasingly ogled when successfully uphold the dignity of Indonesia in the Asian economic background. In ASEAN, he is considered to be instrumental in developing this regional organization to be reckoned with in the world. "Without the goodness and presence of Soeharto, we will spend a lot of gross domestic product in the field of defense," said Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating at the time. Paul Keating calls Suharto a "father".
In his book, Suharto; Political Biography, Robert Edward Elson writes, "Soeharto is a very important figure during the XX century in Asia." Two US Presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan also praised Suharto's move. However, Suharto claimed to be a child of peasants with ordinary values ??that are not ambitious to rule the country of Indonesia and precede the interests of the nation. "I am at home, between wife and children feeling as an ordinary person, just by chance given the trust by the people to lead this country as president," said Soeharto in a speech meeting at the 67th Mother's Day Memorial in District Mojosari, District Mojokerto, East Java on December 22, 1989.
Therefore, on September 14, 1991, President Soeharto rejected the request of the United States to obtain a military base in Indonesia after moving from the Philippines. Soeharto was elected by the MPR as president for the sixth time on March 10, 1993. This time, Try Sutrisno as vice president. After six consecutive decisions of the MPR as president, Suharto began to declare that he had no ambition to become president for life (March 12, 1994). In his leadership of this period, President Soeharto dismissed Prof. Dr. Satrio Budiharjo Joedono as Minister of Trade before the end of his tenure (6 December 1995).
Soeharto who started his reign as presidential officer on 12 March 1967 and became president on March 27, 1968 continued to hold the post for 31 years. Initially there was an estimate that Suharto would refuse his re-nomination as president for the sixth period in 1998 after his wife died on 28 April 1996. The estimate was mistaken. When he was 75, he was not only willing to be re-nominated but accepted to be reappointed president for the period 1998-2003. He received the award of Five Stars or the rank of Great General at the age of 76 years (29 September 1997).
On July 25, 1996, President Soeharto accepted the Soerjadi-led PDI and rejected Megawati Soekarnoputri's leadership to lead the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). Two days later there was a bloody July 27 incident.

Efforts to overcome the crisis and dampen the opposition

The monetary crisis that hit Asia in 1997 also hit Indonesia. In fact, the crisis also hit the economic crisis sector. On October 8, 1997, the President called for IMF and World Bank assistance to strengthen the financial sector and declared the storm must pass. The President asked all the people to remain steadfast in the face of the monetary crisis (November 29, 1997).
In the midst of a severe economic crisis and a sharp rejection, on March 10, 1998, the MPR authorized Soeharto as president for the seventh time. This time, Prof. Ing BJ Habibie as vice president. On March 17, 1998, he donated all his salary and benefits as president and requested the willingness of other high officials to give up his basic salary for one year in the context of the monetary crisis.
Facing the demand for resignation, on May 1, 1998, Suharto stated that the reforms would be prepared starting in 2003. When in Egypt on May 13, 1998, President Soeharto declared his willingness to withdraw if the people wanted and would not defend his position by force of weapons. Eleven ministers of economy and industry (ekuin) Development Cabinet VII resigned (May 20, 1998). The monetary and economic crisis really undermined his leadership system. As a result, Suharto could not survive in the top leadership of the country.
Only 70 days after being reappointed president for the seventh time, Suharto was forced to resign from his post as president. President Soeharto stepped down on 21 May 1998. Right at 09.00 Western Indonesia Time, Soeharto quit his post as president. The television screen was broadcasting instantly seconds per second of the resignation process.
May 12-20, 1998 became a very long period. However, those days his power was further undermined by various actions and events. Student action spread throughout the country. Thousands of students are staging concerns in various places. Trisakti students, Jakarta, conducted their action not far from their campus. The action participants started out from the campus and entered the arterial road and intend to come to the House of MPR / DPR which is very strategic. On May 12, 1998 afternoon, there was a news broadcast of the death of four Trisakti students.
A day later, on May 13, 1998, the bodies of the four students who died were departed to their homes. The students who attended the song sang Gugur Bunga. The deaths of the students were widely broadcast through radio, television and newspaper coverage. The death of the four students seemed to be the explosion of a larger event. Thursday, May 14, 1998, the capital city of the country (Jakarta) hit by violent riots. On May 15, 1998, the plane carrying President Soeharto and entourage landed before 05.00 am in Halim Perdanakusuma Air Force base air base from a visit to Cairo, Egypt to attend the 15th Group Summit (Group 15 / G-15) .

On 16 May 1998, the President held a series of meetings including consultation with the House leadership. On May 17, 1998, Minister of Tourism, Arts and Culture Abdul Latief submitted a letter of resignation as minister. On May 18, 1998, thousands of students came to the MPR / DPR Building. The action ended with President Suharto's resignation on 21 May 1998.
Those who died were two students of class of 1995 and two students of class of 1996. Force 1995 consisted of Hery Hartanto (Faculty of Industrial Engineering Department of Machinery) and Hafidhin Alifidin Royan (Faculty of Industrial Engineering Department of Machinery). Meanwhile, students who died in 1996 are Elang Mulia Lesmana (Faculty of Civil Engineering and Planning Department of Architecture) and Hendriawan Sie (Faculty of Economics, Department of Management).
Suharto built and expanded General Nasution's "Middle Way" concept into a dwifungsi concept to gain the support of a theoretical basis for the military to expand its influence through government officials, including reserves of seat allocations in parliament and key posts in the civilian bureaucracy. The role of this dual function is the permanent role of the military in politics.
Ali Murtopo's lunge with his intelligence agency began to threaten Suharto. The rivalry between Ali Moertopo and Sumitro was used to remove Ali. But Sumitro was immediately withdrawn from his post and Kopkamtib's control was directly held by Soeharto as it was considered potentially threatening. Several months after the Malari incident 12 newspapers were closed and hundreds of Indonesians including students were arrested and imprisoned.
In 1978 to eliminate the student movement, the immediate enforcement of NKK / BKK (Normalization of Campus Life / Student Coordinating Board). This policy is strongly opposed by many student organizations. The relationship of student activities with the campus is only to those who are allowed by the government through the mechanism of control of dekanat and rectorate.
The mouth of the press was silenced by the birth of the Press Law. 12 of 1982. This Act implies a restriction or warning regarding the content of news or broadcast. The mass organizations formed must obtain government permission with only one government-made professional organization allowed to stand. So that mass organizations are nothing more than the New Order puppets.
Then in 1979-1980 a group of high-ranking officers of the armed forces and critical civilian figures, who joined in Petisi 50, issued a leaflet series complaining about the political stance of the New Order government that made the Army a supporter of Golkar's victory and demanded Political reform. In return, the government bans them. This group also failed and was never able to perform again as an effective opposition against the New Order government.

Peak of the New Order

During his reign, President Soeharto set economic growth as the main task and goal of the government. He appointed many technocrats and economists who previously opposed to President Soekarno who tended to be socialist. Technocrats who are generally educated western and liberal (United States) are appointed Berkeley graduates so they are better known in the economic clique as the Berkeley Mafia among Indonesian Economy, Industry and Finance. In its time, Indonesia received economic and financial assistance from donor countries (developed countries) incorporated in IGGI sponsored by the Dutch government. But in 1992, the IGGI was stopped by the Indonesian government because it was considered to be interfering in Indonesian internal affairs, especially in the case of East Timor after the Dili Incident. The role of IGGI was replaced by a French sponsored CGI donor agency. In addition, Indonesia has received assistance from other international agencies under the UN such as UNICEF, UNESCO and WHO. Unfortunately, the failure of economic management based on a trickle down effect system that emphasizes the growth and economic management of a handful of people and the poor economic management of the government's industrial and financial trade (EKUIN), has made Indonesia finally rely on International donors especially after the crisis 1997. In the economic field also, Indonesia recorded self-sufficiency in rice in 1984. But the achievement was not maintained in the following years. Then Indonesia's economic progress at that time was considered very significant so that Indonesia was included in the country that approached the New Industrial countries along with Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand, besides Singapore, the Republic of China and South Korea.
In the political field, President Soeharto united political parties so that at that time known three political parties namely the United Development Party (PPP), Golkar Group and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in its effort to simplify political life in Indonesia as a result of The politics of President Sukarno's multiparty system that resulted in the ups and downs of the cabinet and is considered the cause of stagnant development. Then the issuance of the Political Law and the sole principle of Pancasila that colored the political life at that time. But in its journey, there was an imbalance in political life where there emerged the term "single majority" in which Golkar was the main party and "castrated" the other two political parties in every election. Various dissatisfactions emerged, but were muted by the system of the day.
Along with the rising level of education during his reign due to economic growth, there emerged various criticisms and dissatisfaction over the imbalance of inequality in development. Economic, social and political disparities bring dissatisfied and demanding improvement. Then during his reign, recorded incidents of violence in the community that are generally full of political interests, in addition to the dissatisfaction of the community.

Several notes on New Order's repressive measures

President Soeharto was judged to have started an emphasis on the Chinese, prohibiting the use of written Chinese writing on written materials, and closing Chinese organizations due to their alleged sympathy for the communists. In addition, the ethnic Chinese political rights are limited and the Confucian religion is not recognized. Nevertheless, Suharto was involved in a friendly friendship with Lee Kuan Yew who once served as a Chinese Prime Minister of Chinese ethnicity.
In 1970 Suharto banned student protests following widespread demonstrations against corruption. A commission found that corruption is very common. Suharto approved only two cases and then closed the commission. Corruption then becomes an endemic.
He ruled through military control and media censorship. He mastered financially by giving easy transactions and monopolies to his brothers, including his six children. He also continued to play different factions in the military against each other, starting with supporting nationalist groups and then supporting the Islamic element.
In 1973 he won the next five-year term by electoral college. And also re-elected in 1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, and 1998. Suharto changed the electoral law by allowing only three parties to vote, including his own party, Golkar. Therefore all existing Islamic parties are required to join the United Development Party, while non-Islamic (Catholic and Protestant) parties and nationalist parties are merged into the Indonesian Democratic Party.
In 1975, with the approval of even the request of the United States and Australia, he ordered Indonesian troops to enter the former Portuguese colony of East Timor after Portugal withdrew and the Fretilin movement held disruptive powers in its own East Timorese society and US concerns over Fretilin actions which, Interference of the Soviet Union. Then the pro-integration government installed by Indonesia asked the region to integrate with Indonesia. On 15 July 1976 East Timor became a province of East Timor until the territory was transferred to the UN administration in 1999.
Corruption became a heavy burden in the 1980s. On May 5, 1980 a group later known as Petisi 50 demanded greater political freedom. The group consists of members of the military, politicians, academics, and students. Media Indonesia pressed the news and the government signed its signature. After in 1984 the group alleges that Soeharto created a one-party state, some of his leaders imprisoned.
Suharto's human rights record has also worsened from year to year. In 1993 the UN Human Rights Commission adopted a resolution expressing deep concern for violations of human rights in Indonesia and in East Timor. US President Bill Clinton backed him.
In 1996 Suharto tried to remove Megawati Sukarnoputri from the leadership of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), one of three official parties. In June, Megawati's supporters occupied the party's headquarters. After the security forces detained them, riots broke out in Jakarta on July 27, 1996 (the Gray Saturday event) known as the "Kudatuli Event" (Riot of July 7th).

Withdraw from the presidency

In 1997, according to the World Bank, 20 to 30% of Indonesia's development funds have been abused for years. The Asian financial crisis of the same year did not bring good things to the administration of President Suharto when he was forced to ask for a loan, which also meant a thorough and detailed examination of the IMF.
Although he declared not to be nominated again as President in the period 1998-2003, especially at the Gotong Karya event, Soeharto still ensured he was re-elected by parliament for the seventh time in March 1998. After some demonstrations, riots, political and military pressure, The occupation of the DPR / MPR building, President Soeharto resigned on 21 May 1998 to avoid divisions and eruptions of instability in Indonesia. The government was continued by the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia, B. J. Habibie.
In his 32-year rule, there has been abuse of power, including corruption and human rights abuses. This is one of the factors that ended the Soeharto era. However, Michel Camdesus, the IMF Director acknowledges that what the IMF is doing in Indonesia is nothing but a catalyst for the fall of the Suharto government. As cited by the New York Times, Camdesus states "we created the conditions that obliged President Soeharto Left his job
In the Credentials Room, Merdeka Palace, Jalan Medan Merdeka Utara, Jakarta, President Soeharto read the last speech, thus:
"Since the last few days, I have followed closely the progress of our national situation, especially the aspirations of the people to hold reforms in all areas of national and state life. On the basis of my deep understanding of these aspirations and driven by the belief that reforms need to be carried out in an orderly, peaceful, and constitutional manner.
For the sake of maintaining the unity and unity of the nation and the sustainability of national development, I have declared the plan of forming the Reform Committee and amending the composition of the VII Development Cabinet. However, the reality to this day indicates that the Reform Committee could not be realized because there was no adequate response to the plan for the establishment of the committee.
In the desire to carry out the reforms in the best possible way, I judged that in the absence of a Reformed Committee, the change of structure of the VII Development Cabinet became unnecessary.
With regard to the above circumstances, I think it is very difficult for me to be able to run the duties of state governance and development properly. Therefore, taking into account the provisions of Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution and seriously paying attention to the views of the leadership of the People's Legislative Assembly and the leadership of the factions within it, I decided to declare a termination from my position as President of RI since I read this statement on Thursday , May 21, 1998.
My statement to quit my position as President of RI I conveyed in front of the brothers and sisters of the House of Representatives and also the leaders of the Assembly on the occasion of friendship. In accordance with Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution, the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia, Prof. Dr. Ing. BJ Habibie who will continue the remainder of office of President / Mandate of MPR 1998-2003. For the help and support of the people as long as I lead the country and the nation of Indonesia I thank and apologize if there are errors and shortcomings, hopefully the Indonesian nation remains victorious with Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
Beginning today also the Cabinet of Development VII of the missionary and to the ministers I thank you. Since it is not possible to hold an oath before the House of Representatives, in order to avoid a leadership vacuum in administering the state government, presumably the current vice-president will also take the oath of presidency in the presence of the Supreme Court. "

A moment later, President Soeharto handed over the top leadership of the country. Dr. Ing. BJ Habibie. After carrying out the oath of office, BJ Habibie finally officially assumed the presidency of the 3rd RI. Congratulations came from mantan Presiden Soeharto, leaders and representatives of the leadership of the MPR / DPR, ministers and anyone who participated in the presidential oath of office at the time.
Not long is too long, the security minister concurrently Armed Forces Chief General Wiranto read the statement, thus: first, to understand the situation that developed and aspirations of the people, the military supports and welcomes the request to stop Mr. Suharto as President and by konstutusi support Vice President Mr. BJ Habibie as President of RI.
Second, the ABRI remains compact and one hopes and invites all Indonesian people to accept President Soeharto's personal will which is in accordance with the constitution, Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution.
Thirdly, in this case, ABRI will still play an active role in preventing irregularities and other things that can threaten the integrity of the nation.
Fourth, upholding the noble values ??of the nation's culture, ABRI will keep the safety and honor of former President / Mandate of MPR including Mr. Soeharto and his family.
Fifth, ABRI invites all parties to be calm, prevent the occurrence of riots and acts of violence that will ultimately harm the community itself.

Cases of alleged corruption

After Suharto officially resigned from his post as president, various elements of society began to demand prosecution and trial for the longest-serving former president in Indonesia. On September 1, 1998, the Attorney General's team announced an indication of the use of foundation money under former President Soeharto's government. Through Indonesian Education Television (TPI) on September 6, 1998, Suharto appeared and stated that he had no wealth abroad.
Attorney General AM Ghalib and Menko Wasbang / PAN Hartarto met him at Jalan Cendana (Jakarta) to clarify the revelation (21 September 1998). On November 21, 1998, the Work Development Faction (FKP) proposed to the government to appoint former President Suharto as a prisoner of the city. This is an initial act of investigation of Suharto's wealth and wealth allegedly derived from Collusion, Corruption, and Nepotism (KKN).
On 3 December 1998, President BJ Habibie instructed Attorney General AM Ghalib to immediately take legal action to examine former President Soeharto. On December 9, 1998, the team examined the Attorney General Suharto in Jakarta High Court in connection with the foundation's funds, the national car program, Suharto's wealth abroad, and Tapos case. Time magazine reported about Suharto's overseas wealth of US $ 15 billion (May 22, 1999). On May 27, 1999, Suharto submitted a special power of attorney to Attorney General AM Ghalib to scrutinize his fortune in Switzerland and Austria, as reported by Time Magazine. On June 2, 1999, Suharto filed a Time Magazine to the National Police HQ for allegedly defamatory reporting. Suharto demanded compensation of about 27 billion US dollars.
Suharto has and chaired the seven foundation, Yayasan Dana Sejahtera Mandiri, Supersemar, Yayasan Dharma Bhakti Social (Dharmais), Yayasan Karya Bhakti Endowment Fund (Dakab), Yayasan Amal Bhakti Pancasila Muslim, the Mutual Cooperation Fund Humanitarian Foundation, Foundation Trikora. In 1995, Suharto issued Presidential Decree No. 90 of 1995. The presidential decree urged entrepreneurs to contribute 2 percent of their profits to the Dana Mandiri Foundation.
The results of the investigation into the case of seven Soeharto foundations resulted in a 2,000-page file. This file contains the results of the examination of 134 witnesses of facts and 9 expert witnesses, along with hundreds of authentic documents resulting from the seizure of two teams ever established by the Attorney General, since 1999.
According to Transparency International, Suharto embezzled the money with the most amount compared to other world leaders in history with an estimated 15-35 billion US dollars. During his 32-year reign.
On May 12, 2006, coinciding with the commemoration Sewindu Trisakti, Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh issued a statement that it had issued Decree Termination of Prosecution (SKPP) case mantan Presiden Suharto, the contents of which halted the prosecution of alleged corruption of former President Suharto in seven foundation had to The reason for the physical and mental condition of the defendant is not suitable to be brought to trial. The SKPP was issued by the South Jakarta District Court on May 11, 2006, but the SKPP was declared invalid by the South Jakarta District Court on June 12, 2006.

Politics

As the president of Indonesia for more than 30 years, Soeharto has greatly influenced the history of Indonesia. With the taking over of power from Soekarno, Suharto with the support of the United States eradicated communism and forbade the formation of a communist party. He established East Timor as the 27th province (at the time) as well because of his concern that the Fretilin party (Frente Revolucinaria De Timor Leste Independente / communist-communist party) would rule there if left free. This has resulted in Swallowed hundreds of thousands of civilian casualties. The authoritarian system that Soeharto underwent during his reign made him popularly known as "Bapak", which in the long run caused the decision-making in the House at that time called connotatively by the Indonesian people as the "ABS "Or" The Origin of Your Father "

Health

To control the population of Indonesia, Suharto started a Family Planning campaign that encouraged each couple to have enough 2 children. This is done to avoid the population explosion which can lead to various problems, ranging from hunger, disease to environmental damage.

Field of education

In the field of education Suharto pioneered the Compulsory Learning project which aims to increase the average graduate school level of Indonesian children. Initially, the project freed students of basic education from tuition (Education Financing Contribution) so that children from poor families can also attend school. It was later developed into a 9-year Compulsory Study.

Dead

On January 27, 2008 at 13:10 pm, Suharto died at Pertamina Central Jakarta Hospital. Then at around 14:35, the body of former President Soeharto departed from RSPP to residence at Jalan Cendana number 8, Menteng, Jakarta. Ambulances carrying Pak Harto's body are accompanied by a number of family vehicles and relatives and bodyguards. A number of journalists pushed closer as the motorcade moved toward Jalan Cendana, resulting in a television journalist hit.
Along Jalan Tanjung and Jalan Cendana thousands of people welcome the accompaniment of vehicles carrying Pak Harto's body. The series of vehicles carrying the body of former President Soeharto entered Jalan Cendana, at around 14:55, Sunday (27/1).
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, accompanied by Vice President Jusuf Kalla and several ministers who were attending a limited cabinet meeting on food security, held a press conference for 3 minutes and 28 seconds at the Presidential Office, Jakarta, Sunday (27/1). President expressed his deep condolences on the death of former Indonesian President Haji Muhammad Soeharto.
Sunday afternoon at 16.00 pm, President Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla, first mourned to Cendana.

Funeral

The body of former president Soeharto was removed from the funeral home at Jalan Cendana, Jakarta, Monday, January 28, 2008, at 07.30 WIB to Halim Perdanakusuma Airport. Furthermore, the corpse will be flown from Halim Perdanakusuma Airport to Solo at 10.00 am to be buried in Astana Giri Bangun, Solo, Monday (28/1). The body arrived at Astana Giri Bangun that afternoon before 12.00 WIB. The deceased was brought down to the grave at 12:15 pm simultaneously with the call to prayer zuhr. The deceased was already in the grave that afternoon at 12:17 pm. The Suharto funeral ceremony was led by the ceremony inspector Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.